Taoism and Chinese local religion in Singapore

Taoism and local religious traditions in Singapore are tapestries of ancient philosophies, cultural practices, and spiritual beliefs. Rooted in Chinese society, history, and culture, they have adapted to Singapore’s multicultural landscape. In 2023, the Singapore Taoist Federation (est. 1990) had 569 member organisations — a testament to the diversity of groups associated with Taoism and Chinese religion in Singapore.¹ These religious organisations exhibit varying beliefs. Some centre their activities around the service of spirit mediums, while others engage in scripture recitation and charity.

Despite the independent existence of Taoism and local religious traditions, their pantheons, ethical systems, and ritual practices intersect significantly. For instance, events marking the birthdays of local gods often involve the presence of Taoist priests and key Taoist rituals, such as grand renewal ceremonies known as jiao to bless and protect the community.²

Early history

It is not clear when exactly Taoism and Chinese religious traditions emerged in Singapore, although it happened sometime during the 19^th century mass migration of predominantly South Chinese migrants to Singapore. Among them were the Hokkiens, who hailed from southern Fujian, and the Teochews, from the Chaoshan region in Guangdong province. Seeking spiritual protection in a foreign land, these migrants carried their worshipped deities with them in the form of consecrated images or other sacred objects, including incense ashes from the censers of these divinities. Common worship of some of these deities extended beyond conventional boundary lines — such as place of origin, occupation, and dialect — that existed between different groups of overseas Chinese.

Some of the earliest Chinese temples built in Singapore by the Hokkien and Teochew communities were dedicated to the goddess Mazu, revered for ensuring safe passage at sea. Notable examples are Thian Hock Keng in Telok Ayer Street, and Yueh Hai Ching Temple in Phillip Street, which were founded in the 1820s and catered predominantly to Hokkien and Teochew migrants. A similar pattern of organisation along the lines of place of origin and dialect can be observed in the case of the deity Tua Pek Kong, also known as Fude Zhengshen. Temples dedicated to Tua Pek Kong in Hai Chun Fudeci and Hock Teck See Temple (also known as Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple) were mainly supported by Hakka and Cantonese donors, as evidenced by the stelae and plaques found in these temples.³

In the suburbs of Singapore, smaller temples dedicated to specific deities, such as Tua Pek Gong, also emerged. Examples are Soon Thian Keing (1820 –1821), Goh Chor Tua Pek Kong (1847), and Sar Kong Mun San Fook Tuck Chee (1862). Supported by local labourers and kampong communities, these temples were complemented by numerous spirit-medium temples in the suburbs. These community-centric temples, often led by charismatic spirit mediums, mobilised entire neighbourhoods during significant events such as the birthdays of their respective patron deities. Festivities involve rituals such as Crossing the Bridge of Peace and Safety, as well as self-mortification ceremonies by spirit mediums culminating in a procession through the neighbourhood (known as “yew keng”) to ward off malevolent forces. Many of these ceremonies have survived to this day.⁴

Diasporic communities in Singapore historically formed groups based on shared lineages and surnames, leading to the emergence of various deity followings across these different immigrant communities. Up till the present day, historical ties related to origin, occupation, dialect, and surname continue to shape allegiances to religious institutions. Examples include the worship of Guangze Zunwang among the Nan’an Hokkien community, whose temples share the name Fengshansi. Benevolence Halls, organised under the Blue Cross in Singapore, are predominantly led by the Teochew community.⁵ Despite this leadership, these organisations provide services for individuals of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. Additionally, the traditions of the Cantonese community endure in the Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng, established in the 1870s by Cantonese and Hakka migrants.⁶

Changing with the times

Numerous temples established in pre-independence Singapore have undergone relocations, frequently merging into Combined/United Temples, in alignment with the state’s land management initiatives. In this process, multiple smaller temples pool their resources to acquire the lease for a parcel of land and construct a shared facility for the worship of their respective deities.⁷ The allocation of land for religious use is governed by state and market forces, with temples frequently engaging in competitive bidding for 30-year leases. Smaller organisations, unable to bear the costs, have relocated to Housing and Development Board (HDB) flats or flatted factories.⁸ Post-independence Singapore also witnessed the growing formalisation of temple governance, with a focus on leadership, registration, and adherence to auditing cycles. This reflects an increasing trend toward bureaucratisation, where accountability and managerial expertise are emphasised. Temples typically consist of a committee of leaders, including chairpersons, vice chairpersons, secretaries, treasurers, and auditors.⁹

The final decade of the 20^th century marked the rise of organisations dedicated to advancing research and outreach initiatives within and across Taoist and Chinese religious institutions. The establishment of the Singapore Taoist Federation in 1990 exemplifies this trend, with its goals encompassing the promotion of public awareness and understanding of Taoist culture, research support, and involvement in community and welfare services.¹⁰ The Sanqing Taoist Library opened in 2008, and the Singapore Taoist College organised expert seminars, reflecting a growing emphasis on education and outreach for the promotion of Taoist knowledge.¹¹ The Singapore Taoist Mission, founded in 1996, shares similar objectives of propagating Taoism, promoting Chinese culture, supporting community welfare, and fostering inter-religious harmony.¹²

Associations (hui) organised around festivals

In addition to organisations with permanent locations, Chinese religious institutions referred to as hui (association) are only active at certain times of the year. These institutions are characterised by their worship of a deity through an incense censer, and might fit within larger organisations, such as temples, clan, trade, or surname organisations, where devotees contribute funds to celebrate the patron deity’s birthday.

The term “Nine Emperor Gods Sacred Associations”, for example, is employed to denote the event, organisers, and devotees of the Nine Emperor Gods Festival, again testimony to their interchangeable and interconnected nature in religious life. Before the festival commences on the last week of the eighth lunar month, devotees gather at an incense censer to receive the deities, who are believed to arrive from a water body such as the sea. Conversely, to mark the event’s conclusion on the ninth day, the deities are sent off in a similar manner, which mirrors the dispersal of the association responsible for organising the event until the coming year. Another example of hui is the Milky Way associations, which were once highly popular among the Cantonese in Singapore. Sponsors and organisers of these associations would assemble to celebrate the Double Seventh Festival with a range of offerings, including cosmetics, food, and intricate incense paper.¹³

Also prevalent in Singapore are Zhongyuan hui — groups of people who organise events for the Hungry Ghost Festival in the seventh lunar month. These organisations can be found in many places, including hawker centres, markets, merchant associations and among wholesalers.¹⁴ Each Zhongyuan hui is centred around an incense censer, serving not only as a piece of communal property but also providing a focal point for devotees to worship wandering spirits during the seventh lunar month. A censer master, chosen with the help of divination blocks, is responsible for upkeeping the property and censer. The master also typically leads the establishment of a temporary altar during the seventh lunar month festivities. This tradition is particularly strong in older HDB estates.¹⁵

Multicultural exchange

Singapore’s multicultural society, and the acceptance of other deities and belief systems by practitioners of Chinese religion, have contributed to the emergence of syncretic beliefs unique to Singapore. For example, Habib Noh (1788–1866), whose tomb is located on Palmer Road, had a penchant for enjoying operas held at the nearby Wang Hai Da Bo Gong (also known as Fook Tet Soo Khek Temple) during his lifetime.¹⁶ To this day, Chinese devotees continue to visit the keramat, making donations in the present era. Similarly, Chinese devotees on Kusu Island refrain from pork and adopt vegetarian diets before visiting its Chinese temple and three keramat-turned-Datuks.¹⁷ Among practitioners of Chinese religion, Datuk Gong is a title given to Malay-Muslim spirits, serving as guardians indigenous to the local area.

In various shrines across Singapore and Malaysia, local deities anthropomorphised as Datuk Gong represent a fusion of Chinese religious ideas with Malay/Muslim symbolism. These Datuk Gong, sometimes revered alongside Ganesha, are venerated with offerings of incense sticks. Notable examples include the Jiutiaoqiao Xinba Nadugong Temple and Loyang Tua Pek Kong, where the worship of Datuk Gong and Ganesha coexist within the same ritual spaces, albeit with separate altars and incense censers.

Instances of inter-religious exchanges between Taoist and Hindu groups further illustrate Singapore’s multi-ethnic nature.¹⁸ These involve the sharing of ritual spaces, as well as an openness among devotees to participate in each other’s ceremonies.