Ini Indexs
Red packets (hongbao) are cash gifts packed into red envelopes. The act of giving out red packets is an age-old Chinese custom, representing blessings from the giver to the receiver during auspicious occasions such as Chinese New Year, childbirth, birthdays, weddings, and other important life events such as moving house or starting a business.
The Chinese in Singapore have different names for red packets. The most common ones are angbao (sometimes written as angpow) in Hokkien, lai see in Cantonese (lishi in Mandarin), and yasuiqian.
The origins of red packets can be traced to the coin-like charms that were used in China since the Han dynasty (202 BCE–220) to ward off evil and bad luck. These charms were either strung together with a red thread or packed in red paper, as red is an auspicious colour for the Chinese. One of the most popular myths about the origin of this custom is the legend of Sui which gave red packets the name yasuiqian.
It was said that a demon named Sui would visit Chinese villages on the night of Chinese New Year’s Eve to prey on sleeping children. Sui would pat the heads of children in unsuspecting families three times, causing them to run a fever. Parents would keep vigil to watch over their children.
An elderly couple by the surname of Guan, who had their child late in their years, was particularly afraid that their son would be harmed by the demon. They gave their son eight copper coins wrapped in red paper to entertain him until he fell asleep with the coins by his side. The couple stayed by their sleeping son’s side when the demon came and tried to harm him. Suddenly, the coins next to their son emitted a bright light which scared Sui off.
The story soon spread, and everyone began wrapping coins in red paper and placing these packets beneath their children’s pillows, after which Sui no longer appeared. These red packets of copper coins became known as yasuiqian (literally, “money to suppress Sui”).
As the word for age in Chinese is also pronounced as sui (岁), the Chinese character for the demon Sui (祟) was eventually replaced with the character for age. Yasuiqian also became synonymous with the money that parents gave their children for blessings and good luck in the new year.
Giving and receiving red packets is considered a meaningful tradition during important events such as Chinese New Year, weddings, and birthdays. The Chinese therefore take care to uphold this tradition in an auspicious manner by observing certain customs and taboos.
The current form of red packets as we know it today can be traced to the Tang dynasty (618–807), where the social elites used small handwoven bags to hold cash gifts, which the general public came to emulate with folded red paper. Using red paper to wrap coins into a packet became the standard of red packets over the years. These red packets usually did not have other designs, but some might choose to write their well wishes in calligraphy on the front.
During the turn of the 20th century, breakthroughs in the publishing industry brought the first mass-produced red packets in Singapore. The earliest red packets often featured simple floral prints and auspicious Chinese characters or phrases that were printed in yellow ink and sprinkled with gold dust.
The 1930s ushered in a new era of red packets, as the designs became even more elaborate and attractive. Businesses also started using red packets as marketing materials, and would print them for distribution to their customers. The designs of red packets would feature traditional Chinese motifs and characters signifying blessings and good luck, such as mandarin oranges, peonies, and the character fu (fortune in Chinese).
By the 1970s to 1980s, printing and distributing red packets had become a Chinese New Year tradition for many major firms, particularly banks and department stores. With the advancement of printing techniques and introduction of novelty elements such as foil-stamping or scented packets, red packet designs grew even more lavish and ornate. The size of the red packets also grew over the years, as people started to give cash notes instead of coins.
During the 1980s, banks also started producing red packets during the Hari Raya season but replaced the colour with green instead as it was the colour associated with Islam. These green packets would usually feature floral and ethnic motifs as well as calligraphic inscriptions of Quranic verses.
During Deepavali, Indians of the Hindu faith also distribute similar cash gifts in packets which are decorated with images of Hindu deities, peacocks, elephants, and oil lamps.
By the turn of the 21st century, the market for red packets had grown exponentially in Singapore, with banks alone printing and distributing tens of millions of red packets each year. It has since been an indispensable marketing tool for businesses during Chinese New Year and even became an item much sought after by collectors.
Red packets now come in myriad designs, with groundbreaking changes in material, colour, and themes beyond the traditional red paper packets. Technological advancements in the 21st century have further transformed red packets. Today, one can send digital red packets through digital payment platforms or QR codes. However, the local Chinese community generally prefers traditional red packets to digital ones.
Changes in consumer preferences, societal trends and technological advancements have led to the design of red packets evolving from humble folded red paper to the current array of designs available today. However, no matter its shape or form, the significance of giving and receiving red packets remains unchanged. This cherished age-old tradition symbolises one’s well-wishes, appreciation and goodwill to the receiver and will continue to be an integral custom of the Chinese community.
Ini Indexs
Firecrackers are small, explosive products designed to produce noise, usually in the form of loud bangs. They are used in Chinese customs to celebrate auspicious occasions and for entertainment. Occasions where firecrackers would be lit include religious celebrations, business ceremonies, and weddings. However, it was most used during Chinese New Year.
Different terms were used to refer to the firecracker by the Chinese in Singapore. The two most common terms Chinese would use to describe firecrackers are bianpao and baozhu.
The first firecrackers were created in China by burning green bamboo stems.1When burned continuously, the stems eventually exploded due to the expansion of hot air trapped in the hollow parts of the bamboo. As a result, firecrackers were called baozhu, which literally means “exploding bamboo”.2 A more explosive version was created after gunpowder was invented during the Tang dynasty (618–907).3This version, known as baozhang, was made with gunpowder tightly packed in paper that exploded by lighting a paper fuse.
The earliest record of firecrackers can be found in the Han dynasty text Shenyijing (Book of Gods and Strange Things). The book describes a creature living in the mountains called the shanxiao (also known as dujiaogui) that will be frightened if you “hang bamboo on fire”.4The shanxiao is a demon that causes distress and illness to those who encounter it. To protect yourself from the shanxiao, firecrackers were lit as the creature feared loud noises and flames.5
The Chinese thus believed that lighting firecrackers granted them protection as the loud noises would scare away evil spirits and demons from their homes. Later on, setting off firecrackers came to be regarded as an auspicious act reserved for happy occasions.6The noise was a way for people to let others know about their joy.7
During the 20th century, Singapore would get firecrackers by importing them mainly from Hong Kong, Macau, and Hunan. In 1966, a record 145,149kg of firecrackers was imported into Singapore.8
There were mainly two types of firecrackers available in Singapore: small crackers that had less explosive power, which were seen as suitable for children; and crackers with higher explosive power that were “more popular”.9 An example of a small cracker was the Pop Pop which would make a bright, cracking sound when ignited.
Other forms of firecrackers that were considered more explosive include rocket-like firecrackers that shot fireworks into the sky, and wheel firecrackers that spun when they were lit.10 Firecrackers would also have other wrapper colours such as green and white.11Brands of firecrackers available included:
In 1967, a firecracker manufacturing company was set up with the aim to produce firecrackers and meet the “local need” for firecrackers.12 The company, Forwin Fireworks Ltd, was located in Jurong and the product of a partnership between Singapore and Hong Kong businessmen. The company’s name was a play on the Cantonese phrase, fookwing, which means “prosperous fortune”.13
In the past, during Chinese New Year, families would set off firecrackers at the doorsteps of their homes to welcome the beginning of the new year. Some would compete with one another by thinking up creative ways to create the most lasting display of firecrackers in their neighbourhood. The most common method was to tie small packets of crackers together to form one long chain and compete to have the longest-lasting chain. Besides the firecracker chain, firecrackers would also be arranged in elaborate shapes. An example of this would be arranging firecrackers to resemble an animal from the Chinese zodiac.
Firecrackers were also a way for Chinese families or businessmen in Singapore to display their wealth during the 15th night of the new year.14 The type and amount of firecrackers one could afford indicated the level of wealth one had.15One such firecracker resembled the huacai (festoon) and was very long.16These came in a long bunch and were labelled as “authentically China firecrackers” that took up to 30 minutes to burn. Thus, businessmen would often compete against one another to have the longest round of firecrackers set off, performing what was known as a “cracker war”. They also believed that the more firecrackers one lit, the more prosperity one would get from the new year.
Towards the end of Chinese New Year, another occasion that would capture the height of firecracker use was the Chap Goh Meh festival. This festival falls on the 15th night of the Chinese lunar new year and marks the appearance of the first full moon of the new year.17
During the late 1960s, Chap Goh Meh in Singapore evolved into a busy night festival instead for the Chinese to celebrate the last day of Chinese New Year. Amusement parks, cabarets, and cinemas organised activities dedicated to Chap Goh Meh. During this festival, businesses would also engage in “cracker wars” to celebrate the day. The most notable event was the cracker war between Ming Court Hotel and the Hilton in 1970. The Ming Court Hotel bought over half a million firecrackers at the cost of $500 to compete with the-then new Hilton who assembled a string of firecrackers that was 26 storeys high. For the event, Ming Court Hotel invited participants to guess how long the firecrackers would take to explode altogether.
Despite the well-meaning use of firecrackers for celebratory purposes, they sometimes had damaging consequences. Throughout the 1900s, there were constant reports of injuries — ranging from burns to those requiring amputations — caused by the misuse of firecrackers. In 1962, a fire caused by firecrackers destroyed more than S$100,000 worth of property, rendering 150 people homeless in Singapore.
Eventually, an attack on two unarmed policemen in 1972 with firecrackers caused firecrackers to be banned for good that same year.18Under the current Dangerous Fireworks Act, any first-time offenders found guilty of importing, selling, or distributing fireworks could be jailed for up to two years with a maximum fine of S$10,000.
However, there have been occasions when the ban was relaxed. In 2004, firecrackers were set off in Chinatown during the eve of Chinese New Year in front of a crowd of 20,000 people.19With the right permits, permissions, and safety precautions in place, the spectacle marked a stunning albeit brief return of firecrackers in Singapore after a 32-year long ban.
Ini Indexs
As the lunar calendar’s final month draws to a close, the streets of Singapore transform in anticipation of Chinese New Year. From the 24th day of the 12th lunar month to Chinese New Year’s Eve, a festive energy sweeps through the city, turning ordinary streets and shopping areas into lively centres of celebration. Markets bustle with activity as red couplets bearing auspicious words and lanterns adorn shops and stalls. Many Singaporeans would have memories of stalls along the five-foot ways selling waxed meat, and those offering New Year couplet-writing services that were decorated with red couplets bearing auspicious words written in gold or bold black ink. Other stalls sold New Year essentials such as New Year cards, niangao (sweet rice cakes), kumquat, melon seeds, Chinese New Year candy, clothes, and fresh flowers. Singaporeans of different generations flooded these New Year markets, eager to purchase festive goods in preparation for Chinese New Year.
Chinese New Year markets usually appear at neighbourhood shopping streets and in local markets frequented by the Chinese community in Singapore for their daily needs. These markets emerge to meet the demand for festive goods as families prepare for the Lunar New Year, often beginning after sending off the Kitchen God, which takes place on the 24th day of the 12th lunar month.1One of the most popular Chinese New Year markets, which has existed since the early 20th century, is in Chinatown’s Kreta Ayer district, spanning Pagoda Street, Temple Street, Smith Street, Sago Street, and Trengganu Street.
The Chinatown Chinese New Year market in the early days emerged spontaneously from the local Chinese community, with both permanent shops and street hawkers seeking to boost business during the festive season. It was a community-driven initiative. About a month before Chinese New Year, stall owners would extend their operating hours into the night, stocking up on a wide array of festive goods. Stalls occupied entire streets, including central walkways, offering visitors an impressive variety of items but also causing massive crowding and congestion. The market featured a mix of licensed and unlicensed hawkers, creating a lively and sometimes chaotic atmosphere. A common sight was that of unlicensed hawkers fleeing with their carts when health inspectors approached.2 Alongside the main market, a dedicated flower market flourished near Hong Lim Park and Sri Mariamman Temple, catering to shoppers seeking auspicious blooms for the New Year celebrations. In 1983, Singapore launched a national initiative to enhance public health by relocating street hawkers to purpose-built facilities. The policy required all street stalls in the Kreta Ayer district to cease operations and move into the newly constructed Kreta Ayer Complex, which was renamed Chinatown Complex in 1984. Instead of the traditional open-air street market, the festivities were moved indoors to Chinatown Complex and nearby supermarkets. This marked the first time in Singaporean’s memory that the vibrant street market, long associated with Chinatown’s Chinese New Year celebrations, was absent. Numerous citizens wrote to newspapers, voicing their apprehension about the potential loss of a cultural tradition that had long been an integral part of Chinatown’s identity and festive atmosphere.3
Following the closure of the open-air street markets, the Citizens’ Consultative Committee organised Chinese New Year fairs from 1985 to 1987. These events were held around the open space bordered by Sago Street, South Bridge Road, Banda Street, and Dickerson Hill Road. The fairs were themed as follows:
1985: Hello Chinatown Spring Festival Fair
1986: Hello Chinatown Fair
1987: Excellence Chinatown
Visitors could enter these ticketed fairs to purchase festive goods and enjoy exhibitions and cultural performances. The 1986 fair, for instance, featured about 100 stalls selling festive goodies, a dinosaur exhibition and laser dinosaur show. The event also showcased a variety of traditional Chinese dances and opera performances.
In 1985, the Singapore Tourism Promotion Board launched its first Chinese New Year light-up in Chinatown, drawing inspiration from the successful Christmas Orchard Road light-up. Since then, the light up ceremony has become an annual tradition transforming Chinatown into a dazzling spectacle of lanterns and life-sized dioramas.
From 1988 onwards, efforts were made to revive the lively atmosphere of traditional Chinese New Year markets and boost tourism in Chinatown. Stalls were once again permitted to operate on Chinatown streets, but only for the two weeks to a month preceding Chinese New Year. This new arrangement, now under the management of the Citizens’ Consultative Committee, came with stricter regulations. Stall owners were required to obtain temporary licences and pay rent for spaces on the street. The market was confined to allocated streets, which were closed to traffic during this time. Stall setups were standardised, with organisers handling preparations in advance, and stall owners had to adhere to strict hygiene and safety regulations. This carefully regulated yet vibrant market has evolved into the familiar Chinatown Chinese New Year market that Singaporeans and tourists enjoy today.
While Chinatown was the primary destination for Chinese New Year preparations in the past, there used to be other traditional street markets that operated concurrently with the Chinatown Chinese New Year Market. The diversity of festive marketplaces was highlighted in a 1978 report by Sin Chew Weekly:
“From Smith Street in Chinatown, through Pagoda Street and Sago Street, extending to Albert Street and peh sua-pu (Bugis Street), the entire area buzzed with activity. These streets formed the heart of the hawker community who were selling seasonal festive goods during this Chinese New Year period…it would not be an exaggeration to call it a vibrant world of street hawkers.”4
Bugis Street, known as peh sua-pu (white wash) in Hokkien, or hak gaai (black street) by Cantonese speakers, was a popular Chinese New Year shopping destination before the 1980s. Bounded by Victoria Street, North Bridge Road, Middle Road, and Rochor Road, the usual business in the area comprised over a hundred hawkers selling food and daily necessities. During the festive season, the market transformed into a Chinese New Year market, expanding into nearby streets such as Queen Street and Victoria Street.5 The market ended in 1985 when the area was redeveloped for the Mass Rapid Transit Station at Victoria Street.
Beyond Bugis Street, there were also a diverse array of Chinese New Year markets which catered to specific dialect groups. An example was Ellenborough Market, established in 1845 along the Singapore River. Located in a predominantly Teochew area, the market was renowned for ingredients essential to Teochew reunion dinners, such as rabbit fish, as well as dried goods like mushrooms, anchovies, and fish maw.6Markets along China Street and Purvis Street attracted Hokkiens and Hainanese due to popular pastry shops nearby such as Tan Hock Seng and Nam Tong Lee.7These establishments offered traditional pastries integral to Hokkien and Hainanese festive customs.
Chinese New Year markets in Singapore have evolved and diversified significantly over the years, expanding from traditional street markets to include emporiums, shopping malls,8 fairs in housing estates,9 and online platforms. River Hongbao, established in 1986, also became a notable addition to the wide array of Chinese New Year markets in Singapore.10As technology advances, many Singaporeans have also shifted to online shopping for Chinese New Year goodies. Despite these changes, the essence of Chinese New Year markets remains intact. They continue to serve as communal spaces, whether physical or digital, where people gather to experience the festive atmosphere and prepare for a prosperous new year.
Ini Indexs
The annual Chingay Parade, organised by the People’s Association (PA) — a statutory board under Singapore’s Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth — has been a part of the country’s Chinese New Year celebrations since 1973. Over the years, the parade, which features various cultural performances and dazzling float displays, has become an important celebratory event that showcases Singapore’s diverse and cosmopolitan culture. Usually held on the second weekend of Chinese New Year, the Chingay Parade once featured more than 10,000 performers in its biggest show.
Processions described as “chingay” (derived from a Hokkien term) can be traced back to the 19th century. It is generally believed that immigrants from China brought this religious custom of taking deities on processions to British-ruled Penang and other parts of Malaya. According to old newspaper reports, Chingay processions were also held in other parts of Malaya such as Kuching and Johor Bahru.
Such deity processions were a common sight in Singapore in the 19th century. Besides Chinese temples, the Hokkien and Cantonese communities also regularly held large-scale deity processions.1One of the earliest newspaper reports of such activities was published in May 1833, when a reader complained about noise from a Chinese procession along the Singapore River on a Sunday morning and the following Tuesday afternoon.2
Another English-language report, published in April 1840, described a grand parade and ceremony by Thian Hock Keng temple to welcome the statue of the Queen of Heaven: the sea goddess Mazu. The report vividly described ornamental platforms (taige), which were among the main features of those processions. At the time, groups of girls aged five to eight — dressed in a variety of Tartar and Chinese costumes — were paraded on elaborately decorated ornamental platforms carried by hand. It was a spectacle which attracted much attention.3 In modern times, these ornamental platforms have been replaced by floats.
In December 1906, Singapore’s Hokkien community decided to discontinue deity processions, as they considered them crass and a waste of money, and preferred to use the money saved for educational purposes instead. Other dialect groups made similar decisions.4 However, processions with ornamental platforms were still held on special occasions or celebrations, such as those organised by the Chinese community to welcome members of the British royal family to Singapore, and by amusement parks for commercial purposes.
In the 19th century, English newspapers typically used generic terms such as “procession” or “religious procession” to describe these deity processions. This changed in the late 1870s, when English newspapers began to use transliterated names, such as “chiangay” and “ching-gay”, to describe them. Eventually, Penang settled on the term “chingay”, which spread throughout Malaysia and Singapore and is still used today. In the early 20th century, “chingay” was used in English newspapers in Singapore and Penang to refer not only to large-scale deity processions, but also to non-religious processions involving ornamental platforms.
It was not until 1974 that the term zhuangyi (妆艺) appeared in Chinese newspapers. Previously, descriptions such as zhuangban gepeng (decorated platforms), yingshen saihui (ceremonies to welcome deities) and tideng youxing (lantern processions) were used to describe deity processions or processions involving ornamental platforms. In fact, the Chingay Parade was first known as qingyi, before it was renamed zhuangyi the following year. This showed that the Chinese term zhuangyi appeared much later than its English counterpart “chingay”. A Malay dictionary published in the late 19th century also included the word “chingge”,5 indicating that the term first came into the lives of the people as a dialect word.
The term zhuangyi is generally believed to have originated from the Hokkien dialect word tsng ge (which sounds like “chingay”), and is likely to be based on the Zhangzhou Hokkien accent. The Chinese-English Dictionary of the Vernacular or Spoken Language of Amoy, published in 1873 by Xiamen-based missionary Rev. Carstairs Douglas (1830–1877), contained the noun tsng-koh, which means “an ornamental platform with young girls (or boys in this character) on it, carried in idolatrous processions”.6Its Chinese characters are zhuangge (妆阁), which means ornamental platforms. The dictionary also states that tsng-koh in the Xiamen Hokkien accent and tsng-gE in the Zhangzhou accent are synonyms.7The fact that “chingay” from the Zhangzhou accent has appeared in the English and Malay languages in Singapore and Malaysia is probably related to the community of Zhangzhou businessmen in Singapore.
There has been a ban on the use of fireworks and firecrackers in Singapore since 1972 for public safety reasons. In the absence of crackling firecrackers during Chinese New Year, the festive atmosphere became somewhat less lively. The following year, at the suggestion of founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (1923–2015), the PA and Singapore National Pugilistic Federation (now known as the Singapore Wushu Dragon and Lion Dance Federation) organised the first Chingay Parade to celebrate Chinese New Year. The procession, which was broadcast live on television and involved about 2,000 performers, started at Victoria School in Jalan Besar and ended at Outram Park. It was led by a float with a statue of a bull to signify the Year of the Ox, and featured traditional Chinese performances such as southern and northern lion dances, dragon dance, stilt walking, flag performance, a unicycle act, Chinese opera The Iron Rooster and Teochew drumming and music. Since 1974, Chingay has made its way into public housing estates, such as Toa Payoh, Queenstown, Marine Parade and Ang Mo Kio.
The Chingay Parade has long incorporated other ethnic and contemporary cultural elements to showcase the multicultural nature of Singapore’s society. As early as the second Chingay Parade, non-Chinese elements such as Disney cartoon characters were featured. Since 1976, the PA has also invited Malay and Indian performing groups to participate in the parade. By the 1980s, Chingay had become an annual celebration that Singaporeans and tourists alike could look forward to. In 1985, Chingay moved to Orchard Road, where it was held for the next 15 years. In 1987, it welcomed its first overseas performers; and in 1990, the first nighttime Chingay was held.
To mark the new millennium in 2000, the Chingay Parade was held in front of the former City Hall building that year, signifying the transition of this cultural event into the new century. Chingay then returned to Chinatown and Orchard Road, before being held annually at the F1 Pit Building since 2010 (with the exception of 2021 and 2022, when it was held online due to the COVID-19 pandemic). Since 2008, Chingay has adopted a different theme every year, to add depth to the performance, showcase the talent of local artists and encourage public participation.
Given the historical significance of Chingay in Singapore and Malaysia, the two countries will be jointly nominating the Chingay Parade onto the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2025.
Ini Indexs
The lion dance is an important cultural activity for Chinese Singaporeans. With its rhythmic sounds of gongs and drums creating a festive atmosphere and the caiqing (literally “plucking the greens”, a ritual of retrieving a sprig of lettuce that comes with a red packet) sequence, the lion dance has become an integral part of key local Chinese festivals, cultural events and grand opening events of companies and businesses. The more common form of lion dance in Singapore is the southern or Guangdong lion dance, which is also seen in Chinese communities in Malaysia, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, Europe and the United States.
It is believed that during the late Qing dynasty and early Republican years, southern China was in turmoil and Cantonese people in Guangdong left China to seek a better life elsewhere. During this wave of migration, the Cantonese brought the art of southern lion dance to Singapore. Today, apart from southern lion dance, other traditional types of lion dances are also performed in Singapore, including northern lion dance, Hainanese lion dance, Hokkien green lion dance and Hakka lion dance.
The southern lion is also known as xingshi (awakening the lion). The traditional lion head has three colours: yellow, red and black, representing historical figures Liu Bei, Guan Yu and Zhang Fei respectively, who reportedly became sworn brothers after taking an oath of brotherhood in a peach garden during the Eastern Han dynasty. In recent years, the colours sky blue and green have been added to the lion head to represent Ma Chao and Zhao Yun. Together with the three sworn brothers, they were collectively known as the Five Tiger Generals. These characters are from the classic Chinese novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, and their personification on the lion head manifests the traditional Chinese values of loyalty and righteousness in the art of lion dance.1
A newly-made lion head is lifeless and must undergo a dian jing (dotting the eyes) ceremony to awaken the lion so that it can bring good luck and prosperity to others. It also empowers the lion to bestow blessings.
Singapore’s Hong Kong Street was already a distribution centre for food products from Guangzhou and Hong Kong over a century ago. Most of the provision shops were owned by the Cantonese, and workers from Heshan in Guangdong practised martial arts and lion dance as a form of recreation. During the Qing Ming Festival and Chong Yang Festival, Heshan clansmen would gather at Hong Kong Street before heading to Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng to pay respects to their ancestors with lion dance and martial arts performances. This led to the growth of Heshan’s art of lion dance in Singapore. In 1920, Singapore’s first southern lion dance troupe, the Yi Yi Dang Lion Dance Troupe was formed. It was renamed the Hok San Association Lion Dance Troupe in 1939. This organisation laid the foundation for the Heshan school of Cantonese lion dance in Singapore.
In the early years, the Cantonese were mainly active in the South Bridge Road area (known as da po), which was home to a large number of Cantonese clan associations and societies. Lion dance troupes active in Chinatown before and after World War II included the Hok San Association, the Kong Chow Wui Koon, the Sam Sui Wui Kun, the Canton Wong Clan Association, and the Singapore Pak Hock Pai Athletic Association.
It is often said in the lion dance community that “southern lion dance originated in Foshan and flourished in Heshan”. Among the different schools of southern lion dance in Singapore, those of Guangdong Foshan and Heshan have the longest history. In terms of appearance, the Foshan lion has a longer head decorated with more pom-poms and shows its upper teeth. The lion looks formidable to personify Guan Yu and Zhang Fei. The Heshan lion head is flatter, with a mouth shaped like a duck’s beak, and does not show its upper teeth. It looks gentler and more reserved to personify Liu Bei.
The northern lion dance was performed during celebrations in the Southern Song dynasty, while the southern lion dance dates back to the early Qing dynasty. At that time, anti-Qing activists were being persecuted by the government and they fled to Foshan in Guangdong, where they created a southern lion with a large round forehead and a horn on its head. This was later known as the Foshan lion.2
Before World War II, Foshan lion dance troupes in Singapore were mainly formed by occupational guilds from inns (kezhan hang), provision shops (zahuo hang), and entertainment industries (yule tang) in Chinatown, and these troupes have since disappeared. After World War II, the Singapore Pak Hock Pai Athletic Association formed a lion dance troupe using traditional Foshan lions at the initiative of Kwan Tak Hing (1905–1996), who played the legendary martial artist Wong Fei Hung in a series of Cantonese films.
The founder of Heshan lion dance, Feng Gengchang (1852–1897), learned the authentic art of southern lion dance in Foshan before returning to his hometown of Heshan to continue studying the art. He created the Heshan style of lion dance inspired by cat gaits, which was later brought to Singapore by his successors.3
Fo He lion dance, which combines Foshan and Heshan lion dance movements, originated in the lion dance troupe of Kong Chow Wui Koon, founded in 1939. Veterans of Foshan and Heshan lion dances in the clan association learned from each other and combined the two forms to create the localised Fo He lion dance.
Li Kun (1915–1967), who fought in the Battle of Shanghai, came to Singapore after World War II and settled in Chinatown, where he founded the Sim San Loke Hup Athletic Association in 1965. The lions used by the association in its performances originated from the Jow Ga lion dance in Xinhui, Guangdong. Draped in a colourful lion blanket, the Jow Ga lion has a head with a large round forehead like the Foshan lion and a mouth shaped like a duck’s beak like the Heshan lion.
According to historical records, there were already lion dance activities at Yeung Ching School (now Yangzheng Primary School in Serangoon) in Chinatown in the 1950s. With the help of the Hok San Association Lion Dance Troupe, the Yeung Ching Scout (Open) Group (Yeung Ching Lion Dance Group) was officially formed in 1965, making it one of the oldest school lion dance troupes in Singapore. In 1966, Yeung Ching School performed a lion dance featuring 10 lions at Singapore’s first National Day Parade.4
Despite the limited venues for lion dance practice in Singapore, the art of lion dance is very much alive, with more than 200 lion dance troupes registered under the Societies Act and more than 4,000 caiqing performances during Chinese New Year in 2024.5 Lion dance is one of the co-curricular activities in many schools, while tertiary institutions have also formed lion dance groups where male and female students practise together, with the latter dancing with smaller lion heads.
While the members of lion dance troupes are predominantly Chinese, there are participants from other ethnic groups who join to learn more about the local Chinese culture. The Hok San Association Lion Dance Troupe, for instance, has Indian and German members. Some Malays have also joined the Jing Yang Dragon & Lion Dance Troupe and participated in the caiqing ceremony during Chinese New Year, and lion dance is even performed at some Malay weddings in Singapore to add to the joyous atmosphere.6 After 2000, several new local lion dance troupes were formed. Examples include the Xinyang Athletic Association (Singapore), jointly set up by students and alumni of Nanyang Junior College in 2007,7 and the Yongyang Athletic Association founded in 2012. They are proof that the art of lion dance continues to be passed on in Singapore.
Ini Indexs
Composing festive songs has become an important part of my musical career as I have been deeply influenced by shidaiqu (“songs of the era”) since I was young.
I tried to arrange Chinese New Year songs when I was with the People’s Association (PA) Chinese Orchestra in the 1970s. In 1979, I collaborated with Singing Troupe, a pop music group under the PA Cultural Troupe, for the first time to write and record a medley of Chinese New Year songs consisting of three choral pieces: He Xinnian (New Year Greetings), Dadi huichun (Spring Returns), and Gongxi gongxi (Congratulations). The prelude to the medley was a Chinese orchestral arrangement of Gongxi facai (Wishing You Prosperity).
It was only when I was studying at Australia’s Queensland Conservatorium of Music (now Queensland Conservatorium Griffith University) in the early 1980s that I began to arrange Chinese New Year songs for Chinese orchestra in a systematic way. During my brief return to Singapore on a few occasions, I began to accept invitations from some local record companies to write music. I then arranged a number of oldies with chamber Chinese orchestral music, including Chinese New Year songs that were popular in Shanghai and Hong Kong from the 1940s to the 1960s.
At the time, I helped arrange popular local Chinese New Year songs from the 1950s to the 1980s, such as Gongxi gongxi (Congratulations), He xinnian (New Year Greetings), Ying chunhua (Spring Flowers), Dajia guo ge taiping nian (Wishing All a Peaceful Year), Xiang wang xiao’er bainian (New Year’s Greetings to Wang Xiao’er), Chun (Spring), Gongxi dajia jinnian hao (Wishing You a Happy New Year), Dadi huichun (Spring Returns), Chun zhi chen (Spring Morning), Gongxi facai (Wishing You Prosperity), Bainian (Pay a New Year’s Visit), Huanying xinnian (Welcoming the New Year), and Xiaobainian (New Year Wishes), among others.
Back then, the recordings were released in the form of cassettes and the band was a small group of about 15 members. The albums titled Dabainian (Welcoming the Wonderful New Year), produced by Song Ching record company, and Gongxi gongxi (Congratulations), produced by MTI Private Limited, were works from that period.
Most of the musicians who participated in these recordings were from the PA Chinese Orchestra, including Lum Yan Sing, Goh Ek Meng, Chew Keng How, Goh Kok Boon, Ang Chai Lan, Koh Kim Hue, Tan Lim Lian, Chuan Joon Hee, Khoo Lye Soon, Lee Hoon Piek, Lim Xin Yeo, Lee Khiok Hua, He Shuntao, and Chew King John. Most of them would later become members of the Singapore Chinese Orchestra.
In 1989, Hong Kong’s Hugo Production released two albums of the same genre with similar repertoire arranged by me in cassettes, titled Melodies for New Year Greetings and Songs for the Four Seasons respectively. The two albums were then produced in CDs after 1999. The conductor for both albums was the Chinese conductor Xia Fei-yun and the orchestra was The Chinese Orchestra of Shanghai Music Conservatory, bringing about considerable improvements in both performance and recording standards.
In the 1980s and 1990s, the team led by musician Lum Yan Sing, which included arrangers Yeo Puay Hian and Sim Boon Yew, as well as performers Ng Boon Chai and Ang Bok Cheng, were also involved in the recording of Chinese orchestral New Year songs. They had produced similar recordings for local labels such as Jiaya Record Company, White Cloud Record Co, PolyGram Records and Malaysia’s Mastersound Records. The repertoire of Lum Yan Sing’s team includes not only classic Chinese New Year songs, but also chamber Chinese orchestral music familiar to locals, such as Xiqi yangyang (Full of Joy), Xingfunian (Blissful Year), and Chunxiao (Dawn of Spring).
Around the 1990s, it was not easy to find recordings of orchestral arrangements of Chinese New Year music in Singapore and even in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. In my opinion, it is meaningful to make artistic enhancements to some oldies that are worth preserving as this would not only make people appreciate formal music more, but also help to pass on the local musical culture. These oldies are also part of my precious childhood memories, which inspires me even more to preserve them.
In 1993, I collaborated with Yellow River Records of K K Productions, a subsidiary of the global brand Naxos Music Group, to co-produce a CD titled Chinese New Year Fantasy featuring orchestral classical Chinese New Year music. An agreement was also reached to record two other CDs — The Best of Chinese Oldies, featuring orchestral classical oldies, and Symphonic Works by Phoon Yew Tien. The conductor of these three CDs was Lim Yau, and the performing ensembles were Shanghai Philharmonic Symphony Orchestra, Shanghai Conservatory of Music Symphony Orchestra and Shanghai Philharmonic Orchestra and Chorus respectively.
Some of the pieces on the three CDs had earlier been arranged for Chinese orchestra, but the symphonic orchestral arrangement seemed closer to the spirit of the original songs, which were accompanied by Western musical instruments. Initially, when I arranged the songs, I relied on my childhood memories to come up with the scores as I could not find recordings of the original songs. After I found the original recordings, it became easier to refer to the original harmony and orchestration. My principle in arranging music is to stay true to the original works, unless there are obvious mistakes in the score or performance. Being faithful to the original works also means preserving the complete “audiovisual image” of the songs as I remember them.
The following local and overseas ensembles have performed the Chinese New Year songs which I arranged: Singapore Symphony Orchestra (1996), Kids’ Philharmonic Orchestra Singapore (2015), San Francisco Symphony Orchestra (2022, 2023), Nashville Symphony Orchestra (2022), Pacific Symphony Orchestra (2022), and Malmo Symphony Orchestra (2008).
The choral and solo performances of Chinese New Year songs that I have arranged come with piano accompaniment, Chinese orchestra performance, symphonic orchestral accompaniment or a cappella, and such works were mainly produced around the 2000s.
But as mentioned at the start of this article, I had arranged a Chinese New Year medley of three choral songs as early as in 1979, when I was with the PA Chinese Orchestra. In 1997, the Singapore Youth Choir also commissioned me to arrange two Chinese oldies, one of which was Chun zhi chen (Spring Morning), which was later included in the Asian Choral Works I album.
The album Spring, released in 2003, contains the a cappella choral songs “Spring”, “Spring Morning”, “Spring has Arrived” and “New Year Greetings”, as well as the piano pieces “Spring Flowers”, “Spring Returns”, “Wishing You Prosperity”, “Congratulations”, and “Wishing You a Happy New Year”, among others. During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021, past and present members of the Foon Yew High School choir in Malaysia came together virtually during Chinese New Year and sang the song “Spring Flowers”, a track from my album Spring. Their performance in the new normal to celebrate the new year attracted much attention.
In 2015, the Kids’ Philharmonic Orchestra Singapore hosted the Best of Chinese Oldies Concert, which featured solo, choral and symphonic orchestral performances of songs from my album, The Best of Chinese Oldies. The vocal section featured Jocelyn Tang leading a choir in performing arranged symphonic orchestral songs such as “Spring Flowers” and Hejia huan (Happy Family), as well as solo performances by Chng Soot Fong singing Qiangwei chuchukai (Roses Blooming Everywhere), Jocelyn Tang singing Yueyuan huahao (Beautiful Night), Louxiang zhi chun (Spring in the Alley) and Zhongshan chun (Spring at Zhongshan), and Ling Ying singing Chunfeng qu (The Song of Spring Breeze), Chun zhi chen (Spring Morning), and Renjian jinshi xin xiwang (There is Always Hope).
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In the early 1950s, sending Chinese New Year greeting cards became a common practice in Singapore. This was a trend that may have been influenced by the tradition of sending Christmas cards.1 At that time, the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce even published notices urging the public to send their cards early to avoid postal delays,2 at the request of post offices.
In the past, Chinese New Year greeting cards were sold in bookshops, stationery shops, book stalls in the five-foot ways of shophouses, and Chinese New Year markets. They were bought mainly by students and young people. Some of these cards were designed and printed locally, while others were imported from Hong Kong and Taiwan. There were also others commissioned by entertainment companies and businesses for their own use. Trendy young men and women with the means to do so would also order customised cards from photo studios, printed with their own portraits.
Chinese New Year cards are typically red, a festive colour, and feature auspicious images and blessings printed in gold. Most of these blessings convey warm wishes for a happy, prosperous, and successful New Year.
Commonly-used auspicious images include animals from the Chinese zodiac; koi fish or carp jumping over the Dragon’s Gate to symbolise success; cranes and pine trees to symbolise longevity; birds and flowers to symbolise reawakening and blossoming as spring returns; and the God of Wealth as well as the Fu, Lu, and Shou deities (of fortune, prosperity, and longevity respectively) to symbolise abundance and happiness. Images of a sailing ship were also once popular, harking back to the days when early settlers set sail for distant shores in search of a better life, and symbolising smooth sailing in all endeavours as well as safe arrivals.
Aside from these common motifs, some cards also feature designs that reflect the times, serving as important historical records of how society has evolved.
The local rubber industry expanded rapidly in the early 1950s as a result of the Korean War. As the economy grew, so did the standard of education in Singapore. Although there was still a significant wealth gap and many people were just getting by, there was a general sense of optimism and hope for the future, which was reflected in Chinese New Year cards.
One example was a coloured card, slightly larger than a business card, that depicted a Japanese fighter jet with the words “long live peace” and captured the desire for peace in the post-war period. Around the same time, a black-and-white card printed in 1953 featured the sender’s portrait and name and expressed the hope that the recipient would not forget the person in the photo.
During this period, Chinese New Year cards commonly featured standard well wishes, like “happy new year” or “good luck in the new year”. Some greetings were more poetic, such as: “The new year shines brilliantly, and we wish you dance in happiness, with luck and fortune growing brighter each day”.
Chinese New Year cards with portraits of the senders were popular until the early 1970s. During this period, greetings more directly reflected everyday life, such as the bilingual English and Chinese greeting “wishing you success in winning your lottery in the coming year”. Some photographic Chinese New Year cards had sheet music printed on the back to convey the well wishes of the senders through songs.
From the late 1950s to the 1970s, cinemas were a common sight in Singapore’s downtown area and the three amusement parks (New World Amusement Park, Great World Amusement Park, and Gay World Amusement Park). There were also open-air cinemas in rural areas, and watching movies became a popular pastime.
Entertainment companies often arranged for their artistes to perform on stage to publicise their movies. For instance, film studios Great Wall, Feng Huang, and Sun Luen sent a troupe of artistes known as The Movie Star Arts Troupe to perform at the National Theatre. Colourful Chinese New Year cards featuring the movie stars were then released and given away with the tickets or albums sold.
In the early days of independence, the government built many factories and HDB flats all over Singapore. Chinese New Year cards from the 1960s and 1970s featured images and themes of kampungs, the cityscape and tourist attractions, or watercolours and drawings of the old and new landscape. Bank buildings along the Singapore River, the changing face of Chinatown, MacRitchie Reservoir, Mount Faber, the Cathay Building, and the Istana were all common elements on cards.
Chinese New Year cards from the 1970s and 1980s also featured scenes and landscapes from China, and the words were often embossed in gold to give them a more three-dimensional feel.3
In the 1970s, popular culture from China had some influence on local literary youth. The themes of Chinese New Year cards from this period reflected “new society”: China’s different ethnic groups, landmark buildings, papercutting, Chinese acrobatics, famous personalities, workers, farmers and soldiers, and Lu Xun’s poetry. Inspiring and instructive slogans were commonly seen, such as: “If you’ve got dirt on your face, wipe it off; if you’ve got faults, change yourself. Let’s keep an eye on each other in the new year and become better together”. These cards were a sign of the times and especially popular with local cultural organisations.
There were also cards with locally composed songs on the back, so that people could get together to sing anytime.4One such song was Yingchun (Welcoming Spring), whose lyrics went: “United in spirit and effort to stage performances, through storms and trials, another year has passed. The people’s art remains evergreen, adversities only strengthen our resolve. Endless dark nights do not deter us, for once the harsh winter ends, spring is here anew!”
With the advent of technology, Chinese New Year cards are no longer as common as they once were. However, unique handmade cards have not become obsolete — they provide a snapshot of the times while preserving emotional ties between sender and recipient.
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After independence, Singapore’s economic growth spurred the development of its entertainment industry. Local record companies and subsidiaries of international music labels sprang up, including Tong Aik Records, Life Records, Tony, Polygram, EMI Records, Guts Records, Victory Records, Great Union Organisation, Form Records, Suwah Music, and Free Town Records.
Many of them released Chinese New Year albums or songs to capture a share of the festive market. These songs could be heard throughout the island during Chinese New Year and have become an integral part of popular culture in Singapore.
During the period around Singapore’s independence, many Chinese New Year songs were covers of songs from China (1940s) and Hong Kong (1950s). Famous singers of the time included Chang Siao Ying, Huang Xiao Jun, Mah Ai Nee, and Natasha Han (who came to Singapore from Taiwan in the early 1980s).
Some popular Chinese New Year songs such as Gongxi gongxi (Congratulations) and Hejia huan (Happy Family) were originally from the soundtracks of anti-war films, while others like Chunfeng wen shang wo de lian (The Spring Breeze Kisses My Face) were from romantic films. They became synonymous with Chinese New Year because their lyrics captured the spirit of the season.
In the 1940s and 1950s, many musicians from Shanghai, such as siblings Yao Min (1917–1967) and Yao Lee (1922–2019), who were signed to Pathé Records, moved to Hong Kong to continue their musical careers. The songs they produced were light and melodious, with catchy lyrics about valuing time and expressing hopes and dreams for a bright future. Chinese New Year songs from this period, such as He xinnian (New Year’s Greetings) and Xiang wang xiao’er bainian (New Year’s Greetings to Wang Xiao’er), combined Eastern and Western influences by using part of the melody of Jingle Bells while featuring lyrics about East Asian values towards family reunions and peace.
At the time, there were also Chinese New Year songs in Cantonese, Teochew, and Hokkien,1 but they were not as popular as Mandarin songs locally. One exception was Mo Mei Ling’s rendition of the Hakka folk song Fa dacai (Be Rich), which became extremely popular in Singapore and Malaysia.2
In the late 1970s, Chinese New Year songs from Taiwan became hits in Singapore. One popular song, Bai danian (Happy Chinese New Year) by folk singers Allen Chao and Huang Da-cheng (1954–2008), changed the lyrics in the original Xiang wang xiao’er bainian (New Year’s Greetings to Wang Xiao’er) from Wang Xiao’er to lianhua meimei (Little Sister Lianhua). Other songs like Liu Wen-cheng’s Caishen dao (Here Comes the God of Wealth) and Shiyou hongbao (Oil Red Packets) also became extremely popular, with lyrics reflecting the concerns of the time, namely ordinary people hoping to strike it rich in a period of inflation. In 1979, the music label Tony released a Chinese New Year album featuring an all-star group of Taiwanese singers called Zhaocai jinbao (Ushering in Wealth and Prosperity), which became the best-selling album of the year.3
Around the same time, Cantonese television drama series from Hong Kong became popular in Singapore, and actors such as Adam Cheng, Liza Wang, and Jenny Tseng also released festive music in a bid to seize market share from Taiwanese songs.
The 1980s saw another wave of popular Chinese New Year songs by Taiwanese singers Anna Lin, Lee Mao-shan, Fei Yu-ching, and Long Piao-piao, as well as Malaysian singer Cuang Sie Cong. Interestingly, while the cassette tapes were sold out in Singapore and Malaysia, they did not fare as well in other Mandarin-speaking regions, showing that Chinese New Year songs have gradually become a more integral part of festive celebrations in Singapore and Malaysia.4
Long Piao-piao even released a new album each year featuring the zodiac animal for that year, with some self-written songs. She was known for her unique vocal technique and contemporary musical arrangements, which have made her a part of the collective memory of a whole generation of Singaporeans and Malaysians.
At the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, a new genre of Chinese New Year songs emerged in Singapore and Malaysia in response to commercial demand, performed by singing groups headlined by child stars. These included Timi Zhuo (Taiwan), Eight Superstars, New Southern Records All Stars, Four Golden Princesses, M-Girls, and other groups, all of whom released Chinese New Year albums.
Local artistes and Chinese media, such as Mediacorp and Chinese radio stations under the Singapore Press Holdings (now SPH Media), also jumped on the bandwagon, releasing both original songs and covers. Other local singers and internet celebrities have also tried their hand at composing Chinese New Year songs, such as Lao yusheng (The Lo Hei Song) by Singaporean music trio LimTayPeng, which was commissioned by the Singapore Chinese Cultural Centre and released in 2019.
Newer Chinese New Year songs mainly use electronic keyboards and percussion to create a strong rhythm and celebratory beat. Those after the 2020s incorporated elements of hip-hop and rap, as well as Singlish and other Singaporean expressions to create a festive atmosphere, marking a significant departure from traditional Chinese New Year songs.
In recent years, getai, usually seen during the Hungry Ghost Festival in the seventh lunar month, has also started to make an appearance during Chinese New Year, from the River Hongbao celebrations held at Marina Bay to other Chinese New Year concerts around the island. These concerts are also streamed online.5 Chinese New Year songs by internet celebrities from Malaysia have also been made available to Singapore audiences through online streaming, such as New Year Beng Beng Beng by Malaysian quintet Five Dan, which features elements of the Malay folk song Rasa Sayang for a new take on tradition.6
Compiled by Lee Kok Leong
*In chronological order
| Song title | Year | Original singer | Origin |
| Hejia huan
(Happy Family) |
1945 | Zhou Xuan | The soundtrack of Fenghuang yu fei (Phoenix on the Wing), a war resistance song |
| Gongxi gongxi (Congratulations) | 1946 | Yao Min and Yao Lee | A war victory anthem |
| Chun zhi chen (Spring Morning) | 1947 | Zhou Xuan | The soundtrack of Hua wai liuying (Orioles Banished from the Flowers) |
| He xinnian (New Year’s Greetings) | 1948 | Zhang Fan | Chinese New Year song with elements from Jingle Bells |
| Gongxi dajia jinnian hao (Wishing You A Happy New Year) | 1948 | Liang Ping | Chinese New Year song |
| Dadi huichun (Spring Returns) | 1948 | Woo Ing Ing | Chinese New Year song |
| Xiang wang xiao’er bainian (New Year’s Greetings to Wang Xiao’er) | 1950 | Bai Guang | Chinese New Year song |
| Ying chunhua (Spring Flowers) | 1951 | Chang Loo | Chinese New Year song |
| Chuntian shi women de (Spring is Ours) | 1954 | Tung Pei Pei and Huang He | The soundtrack of Jin sangzi (Golden Voice) |
| Bainian (Pay a New Year’s Visit) | 1955 | Lin Dai and Yan Jun | Chinese New Year song |
| Fa dacai (Be Rich) | 1955 | Mo Mei Ling | Hakka folk song |
| Chunfeng wen shang wo de lian (The Spring Breeze Kisses My Face) | 1956 | Yao Lee | The soundtrack of Na ge bu duoqing (Love is Everywhere) |
| Gongxi facai (Wishing You Prosperity) | 1956 | Grace Chang | The soundtrack of Jiuse caiqi (Booze, Boobs and Bucks) |
| Guo yige da feinian (Have a Prosperous Year) | 1958 | Jeanette Lin Tsui | The soundtrack of Liulang’er (Young Vagabond) |
| Xinnian ge dajia chang (Sing a New Year Song Together) | 1960 | Tse Wei | Chinese New Year song |
| Yuanxiao mi (Lantern Riddles) | 1962 | Chen Fuqiu, Wang Lifang, Du Chuxuan, Chen Hu, et al. | Teochew opera |
| Yingshi xiqing fujian shinian ge (Hokkien Festive Songs) | 1974 | Guan Xinyi | Hokkien song |
| Dajia gongxi (Congratulations to All) | 1974 | Man Chin Sui and Li Po-ying | Cantonese song |
| Da caishen (God of Wealth) | 1975 | Leung Sing Poh, Wan Fei Yin, and Bai Feng Ying | Cantonese song |
| Song title | Year | Original singer | Origin |
| Ying chunhua (Spring flowers) (Cantonese) | 1977 | Adam Cheng and Liza Wang | Chinese New Year song |
| Huanle niannian (Happy Every Year) (Cantonese) | 1977 | Adam Cheng and Liza Wang | Chinese New Year song |
| Bai danian (Happy Chinese New Year) | 1979 | Allen Chao | Chinese New Year song, adapted from Xiang wang xiao’er bainian (New Year’s Greetings to Wang Xiao’er) |
| Caishen dao (Here Comes the God of Wealth) | 1979 | Liu Wen-cheng | Chinese New Year song |
| Album Zhaocai jinbao (Ushering in Wealth and Prosperity) | 1979 | Tien Niu, Liu Wen-cheng, Chen Li-li, Chen Hsiu-chen, Chang Li Min, Tian Lulu, and Gao Yi Tai | Chinese New Year song |
| Zhufu ni (Blessing You) (Cantonese) | 1980 | Jenny Tseng | Chinese New Year song that has become a Cantonese classic |
| Shiyou hongbao (Oil Red Packets) | 1980 | Liu Wen-cheng | Chinese New Year song |
| Cuang Sie Cong’s New Year albums | 1988 to present | Cuang Sie Cong | Chinese New Year song |
| Longqiang hesui (Long Piao-piao’s New Year albums) | 1992 to present | Long Piao-piao | Chinese New Year song |
| New Southern Records All Stars series | 1993 to 2011 | Singers from Malaysia, Singapore, and Taiwan | Chinese New Year song |
| Four Golden Princesses series | 1997 to present | Malaysian group | Chinese New Year song |
| Eight Superstars series | 1999 to 2008 | Singers from Malaysia, Singapore, and Taiwan | Chinese New Year song |
| Mediacorp New Year series | 2003 to present | Mediacorp artists, presenters, and DJs | Chinese New Year song |
| SPH Media Chinese radio stations New Year series | 2015 to present | DJs from SPH Media’s UFM100.3 and 96.3 Hao FM | Chinese New Year song |
| Organisation | Song title | Year |
| Mediacorp | Cijiu yingxin fuman renjian (New Year’s Blessings) | 2016 |
| Guji guji yi xia (Guji Guji) | 2017 | |
| A gougou wangwang guo haonian (Agogo 2018) | 2018 | |
| Zhu baobao jiadao (Here Comes the Perky Pig) | 2019 | |
| Shushu xingfu (Count Happiness) | 2020 | |
| Niannian hao (Good Years) | 2021 | |
| Hutaige lai bainian (Tiger Wishes You a Happy New Year) | 2022 | |
| Hapitu he chunfeng saipao (Usher in the New Year with Happy Bunny) | 2023 | |
| Haoyun long long (Long Long Prosperity) | 2024 | |
| SPH Media | Huat Ah! Huat Ah! | 2015 |
| Shenme dou hou (Everything is Good) | 2016 | |
| Jili Buddy (Lucky Buddy) | 2017 | |
| I wang U (Prosperity) | 2018 | |
| Guo haonian (Have a Good Year) | 2018 | |
| Xinzhong you ai jiushi hao (Love in Our Hearts) | 2018 | |
| Kuaile fuzhu (Happy Piggy) | 2019 | |
| Shubuwan de hao yuzhao (Uncountable Blessings) | 2020 | |
| Haonian ge (A Good Year Song) | 2020 | |
| Buyiyang de niu year song (New Year Song in the Year of Ox) (Old and new versions) | 2009／2021 | |
| Lang ge li ge lang | 2022 | |
| Nuannuan chunfeng (Warm Spring) | 2022 | |
| Tu GETHER 4EVER (Together Forever) | 2023 | |
| Niannian yong ankang (Wellness Forever) | 2023 | |
| Qige longdong xinnian Song (Chinese New Year Song) | 2024 | |
| Xingfu yi longlong (Baskets of Happiness) | 2024 |
Ini Indexs
The Cantonese community in Singapore traditionally celebrated renri, the seventh day of Chinese New Year, with the tossing of yusheng (raw fish salad) at home. This practice, known as lohei, gradually spread, and some Cantonese restaurants began to introduce special Chinese New Year menus that included yusheng. Over time, yusheng became a popular dish at new year banquets hosted by local businessmen or at companies’ annual Chinese New Year meals to mark the first day of work after the holidays.
The basic ingredients of yusheng today typically include shredded carrot and radish, chilli, jelly fish, ginger slices, coriander, spring onion, lemon, lettuce, winter melon, pickled ginger, dried orange, and others. Seasoning packets include crushed peanuts, crackers, pepper, cinnamon powder, sesame seeds, sugar, vinegar, lime juice, plum sauce, oil, and others.1 The practice of lohei has become an integral part of Chinese New Year celebrations in Singapore, enjoyed by Singaporeans Chinese of all dialect groups, with some restaurants serving the dish a month before Chinese New Year.
As early as the 1930s, the Tai Tong Restaurant at New World Amusement Park served yusheng.2 Fewer ingredients were used then, with slices of raw fish served with cooking oil, light soy sauce, red chilli and ginger slices, or added to boiling congee to cook.
In the 1960s, four local master chefs — Tham Yui Kai (1928–1996), Sin Leong, Hooi Kok Wai, and Lau Yoke Pui (1932–2006) — began to introduce more colours and textures to the dish by adding more ingredients.3 Their enhanced version, the seven-colour yusheng, was introduced to factories, clan associations, community organisations, community centres and others. Since then, many different ingredients have been used to make yusheng, with a wider variety of seasoning. Chefs who have worked in Singapore have also been instrumental in taking this Singaporean favourite overseas to other countries and regions such as Hong Kong and Malaysia.
In the 1970s, advertisements for yusheng at Chinese New Year began to appear in local newspapers. The Golden Crown Restaurant came up with its own version of the dish named after the restaurant,4 showing the popularity of lohei at the time. Other restaurants followed suit, trying to grab their share of the market.
Traditionally, it was mainly Cantonese restaurants that offered yusheng. Among them were Tai Thong (at Gay World Amusement Park), Lai Wah, Dragon Phoenix, Sin Leong, Jin Jiang, Ho Wah and Golden Castle, among others. Some coffeeshops, food stalls and hawkers also sold yusheng – such as Leng Kee located at the back entrance of New World Amusement Park (Serangoon Road), Sun Seng on Mosque Street and Chew Kee Eating House on Keong Saik Road.
Yusheng has various auspicious names that symbolise luck and prosperity, such as those for wealth (e.g. facai yusheng, yingli yusheng), and those for luck (e.g. haoyun yusheng, haocai yusheng, xingyun yusheng, hongyun yusheng), and others. Some businesses also insist on using the more traditional names, such as shijin yusheng (assorted yusheng) and jiangmen yusheng (where lettuce is added to signify wealth).
Hung Kang Teochew Restaurant on North Canal Road5 was one of the first Teochew restaurants to introduce the Teochew facai yusheng.6 Unlike the Cantonese version, where diners toss the dish together with sauce before eating, the Teochew version is eaten with a sauce dip on the side for each diner. The sweet sauce used in Teochew yusheng contains plum paste, rice vinegar, sesame seeds, chopped galangal, sesame oil and chilli sauce, while the savoury dip is made with soybean wine, sesame seeds, chopped galangal, sesame oil and soybean paste.
In the 1990s, lohei became even more popular. Vegetarian restaurants introduced a vegetarian version, in which fish slices were replaced with white bean jelly.7 Vegetarian yusheng is presented in a similar way to Cantonese yusheng, but the strong-tasting pickled leek is not used to avoid the “five pungent vegetables” (typically includes garlic, onions, chives, leeks, and shallots) prohibited in a Buddhist diet. On the other hand, some high-end restaurants would also use more expensive seafood such as salmon and abalone.8
With the arrival of new immigrants from all over China, yusheng diversified further, and there are now fruit-based variations that are also completely vegetarian.9 Some restaurants also use puffer fish and Alaskan crab as highlights to attract more customers.
In the early years, the auspicious phrases to be said aloud while tossing yusheng were simple: “Toss for prosperity” or other similar phrases, after which the yusheng could be eaten. But soon, more complex phrases began to circulate, and a series of auspicious phrases about prosperity, success and luck were said. In recent years, it has also become common to say “heng ong huat!” (meaning good fortune and prosperity in Hokkien), or simply “huat ah!”. Some families have also chosen to stick with more traditional blessings.
Ikan parang and grass carp are used in traditional yusheng. Ikan parang comes from the South China Sea and is imported from Malaysia and Indonesia, while grass carp is locally farmed. Slicing skills are an essential part of preparing yusheng, and some restaurants even hire professional slicers at a premium to ensure that the fish is sliced properly.
Chew Kee restaurant, which used to be at 35 Keong Saik Road and run by Guangdong Xinhui migrants, started in the 1940s. Its advertisement boasted of “world-class congee and yusheng”.10 According to an interview with Chee Yoke Weng’s wife, who worked at Chew Kee for many years, the restaurant served yusheng from the first to the 15th day of the Chinese New Year. The yusheng master would first skin the fish, pick the flesh off along the spine, and pat the fish dry with a white towel before airing it.11 As ikan parang is particularly bony, a high degree of precision and speed is required to obtain thin, translucent slices of uniform thickness that do not contain any bones. White vinegar and lime were then added to the fish slices as seasoning before being served. During the 15 days of the Chinese New Year, the yusheng master was never without his knife, and it was said that in those 15 days, he would earn enough money to buy half of Keong Saik Road. The knives used to cut the fish also had to be made of quality steel. The chef would usually use a pair of choppers specially ordered from the Leung Tim Choppers Factory in Sham Shui Po, Hong Kong — one to debone the fish and the other to slice it.
The dish yusheng can be traced back to Lingnan in Guangdong and Chaozhou, but over time, its ingredients and presentation have changed significantly to make it a truly Singaporean creation.12
In the 1970s, local sauce manufacturer Kwong Cheong Thye was the first to introduce a pre-packed yusheng box and worked with Siong Onn provision shop on Keong Saik Road to supply them to restaurants. In the 1980s, yusheng boxes also became available in local supermarkets, making it more convenient for families to enjoy lohei at home.
Ini Indexs
Niancai are festive dishes traditionally eaten during Chinese New Year, the most important festival for the Chinese community. The dinner on Chinese New Year’s Eve, also known as the reunion dinner, signifies that there will always be food and more than enough year after year. Traditionally, the reunion dinner was eaten at home. But from the 1970s, local restaurants began to introduce Chinese New Year reunion dinner menus, and some families choose to dine out to save the time and effort required to prepare this important meal.
Over the years, following the popularisation of “restaurant dishes” and the interaction between the different dialect groups, Chinese New Year festive dishes consumed by the Singaporean Chinese community have become more or less the same. They usually include poultry (chicken or duck), jumbo prawns (symbolising laughter and happiness), steamed fish (symbolising a bountiful year), pencai (symbolising abundance) and yusheng (raw fish salad symbolising success and prosperity) — the latter two having gained in popularity in recent decades. Aside from the standard festive dishes, the five main dialect groups and the Peranakan Chinese have also retained dishes that are unique to their communities.1
For the local Teochew community, a traditional reunion meal involves gathering for a steamboat. An essential part of the meal is rabbit fish, also known as Chinese New Year fish or prosperity fish. Chinese New Year coincides with the spawning season for rabbit fish, and its scrumptious roe and milt are plentiful at this time of the year.
The older generation would also get up early on the first day of Chinese New Year to eat a bowl of sweet dessert, symbolising happiness and sweetness. Another must-have is pressed tofu (tau kwa), which sounds similar to “government official” in the Teochew dialect, and eating it during Chinese New Year symbolises a promotion in the coming year. Teochew mandarin oranges and betel nuts (now replaced by green olives) would also be on the coffee table for visitors. As Teochew mandarin oranges are larger than tangerines thus are also called daji (symbolising luck), and betel nuts (binglang) sounds like “guests have arrived”, the two items placed together suggest that guests bring luck. During Chinese New Year, congee is avoided as it is a homonym for bad luck in the Teochew dialect.
Teochews also prepare a seven-vegetable dish on the seventh day of Chinese New Year — usually consisting of mustard greens, spring greens, garlic sprouts, bok choy, Swiss chard, leeks and celery, each of which can be replaced by other vegetables. This dish symbolises prosperity, good luck, success, longevity, harmony and wealth.
Sea cucumber casserole is an essential dish at a Hokkien reunion dinner, and it may be cooked with duck, pig’s trotters, or pork tendon. It is believed that the pig’s trotters can drive away bad luck so that the new year is a smooth one. Some traditional families also prepare pig stomach soup during Chinese New Year to symbolise a new beginning in health and habits.2
Ngo hiang rolls are another festive favourite. The preparation for this dish is complicated and time-consuming, involving several steps to prepare a filling of minced pork, water chestnut, starch, spring onion, radish, black fungus, egg, five-spice powder and other ingredients, which is wrapped in tofu skin to form rolls five to six inches long, which are then deep-fried.
Another common dish is kee-ah kueh, a kind of alkaline rice cake. The most traditional way to cut this cake is to hold a piece of thread between your teeth at one end, and the other end in your hand, and run the section of thread through the cake. It is usually eaten with sweet syrup or soup. The leftovers can be fried with minced garlic, pickled radish, bean sprouts and braised pork to make a new dish the next day. This dish symbolises advancement in rank and status.
Chinese sausage, Chinese bacon and waxed duck are all staples of a Cantonese reunion dinner, symbolising an abundance of food and clothing.3 A quintessential dish is claypot rice with a variety of waxed meat. Some restaurants also add shitake mushrooms, preserved scallops and other ingredients.
In the past, housewives in Cantonese families would make three fried dishes after giving thanks to the Kitchen God on the 24th day of the 12th lunar month, including sesame balls, dough dumplings and prawn crackers, symbolising wealth and laughter.
The meal on the second day of Chinese New Year is known as hoi nin faahn or hoi ngaa in Cantonese families and is as important as the reunion dinner in terms of the quantity and variety of food. On the seventh day of Chinese New Year, Cantonese traditions call for lohei — which has now become a national practice, as yusheng is enjoyed by different dialect groups and even different races.
The Hakka people have roots all over China, with different festive dishes in different regions. In general, the emphasis is on eating full and well. While preparing the various delicacies for the reunion dinner, traditional Hakka women will also make snacks and kuehs.
Dishes such as yam abacus beads and thunder tea rice, which are eaten all year round, have become festive dishes for the Hakkas because of what they symbolise. Yam abacus beads symbolise wealth, while thunder tea rice is believed to promote longevity (the saying goes: if you eat three bowls of thunder tea rice a day, you can live to 98).
Hakka women also make glutinous rice cakes. The glutinous rice is ground into a paste, flavoured with pomelo or orange peel and air-dried, then on the 24th day of the 12th lunar month, known as ru nianjia — when all work stops and preparations for Chinese New Year begin — the rice cake is steamed. Hakka women would also make vegetable dumplings on this day. The dumplings are made by kneading sticky rice flour and glutinous rice flour together to make the dumpling skin, which is used to wrap fillings such as minced garlic, chive, pickled vegetables, Chinese turnip, half-ripe papaya and deep-fried dried shrimp.
On the second day of Chinese New Year, married Hakka women return to their parents’ home with a few dishes to enjoy a reunion with their maiden families.
Chinese New Year is known to the Hainanese community as zo nian. In the past, when conditions were relatively poor, the Hainanese started to prepare for the new year by starting to save up right after the Mid-Autumn Festival.
There is a Hainanese saying that “no reunion dinner is complete without chicken and no Chinese New Year is proper without rice crispies”. Hainanese chicken rice is one of the main dishes of the reunion dinner. The chicken is first cooked in hot water and seasoned with minced garlic, minced ginger and dark soy sauce. The rice that is shaped into balls is a reminder that family members should cherish each other. Chicken is often used as an offering in Hainanese ancestor worship, and the worship ritual held before the reunion dinner is usually very elaborate. Hainanese rice crispies (tanggong, known as pun zim in Hainanese), also known as nuomihua, is a crunchy sweet made from glutinous rice.
Another festive dish is the traditional glutinous rice cake yi bua, which contains the Hainanese people’s wish to remember their family and celebrate the reunion. This cake is slightly smaller than the palm of a hand. After the glutinous rice is ground into a paste, it is kneaded into a dumpling and wrapped around a filling of shredded coconut, granulated sugar, crushed peanuts and sesame seeds. Squares of banana leaf are then used as a base when the cake is steamed. The most challenging part of the process is to ensure that the dumpling skin is tender but not too soft, while the texture should be smooth and not sticky.
The Peranakan Chinese come mainly from Zhangzhou and Quanzhou in Fujian, with a small number from Chaozhou and Guangdong. On the eve of Chinese New Year, Peranakan Chinese would gather for a reunion dinner after elaborate ancestor worship rituals, with a full table of dishes as offerings. Peranakan dishes are notoriously time-consuming to prepare, and the nyonyas will start preparations well in advance. For example, the appetiser achar ahwak is usually prepared beforehand. Its preparation involves cutting cucumber, carrot, Chinese cabbage, pineapple and other vegetables and fruits into cubes or strips, then covering them in salt to dehydrate the ingredients before adding chillies, crushed peanuts, white sesame seeds and other spices to marinate.
Peranakan women would also make a variety of cakes and snacks for Chinese New Year. For example, making kueh bangkit — a coconut biscuit — is very challenging.4When done well, it should be evenly coloured, have the scent of pandan and be evenly moist to the bite.