Ini Indexs
It has been said that the first Chinese newspaper in Singapore was Tifang Jih Pao (Local News), published in 1845, followed by Jit Sheng (Rising Sun) in 1858. However, according to research by the academic Chng Khin Yong, there is currently no evidence to support the existence of the former, and the only proof that the latter existed is an advertisement found in the Straits Government Gazette.1 The earliest-known Chinese daily newspaper in Singapore is Lat Pau, which was founded in 1881.
Before World War II, there were about 20 noteworthy Chinese newspapers in Singapore. They can be sorted roughly into three periods based on their historical backgrounds, their founder’s objectives, the editorial policies adopted by chief writers or editors, the focus of their content, and the social functions they served.
As Singapore developed into a shipping hub in the last two decades of the 19th century, Chinese newspapers managed by the local Chinese community started to emerge. This was due to the following combined factors: the dramatic increase of Chinese population, the emergence of wealthy and middle-class Chinese communities, along with a rise in literacy, the influence of local English newspapers, the prevalence of Chinese newspapers from Hong Kong and Shanghai, and a willingness to invest more time and money in cultural pursuits by the population.2
As a result, four Chinese newspapers emerged during this period. They were: Lat Pau (1881–1932), Sing Po (1890–1899), Thien Nan Shin Pao (1898–1905) and Jit Shin Pau (1899–1903). At the time, nationalism that emphasised loyalty to one’s motherland and Confucianism were the mainstream ideologies of the Chinese communities in Singapore and Southeast Asia. These four newspapers had a common goal: promoting Confucianism and nationalism. The three most prominent journalists at the time were Yeh Chih Yun (1859–1921), Lim Boon Keng (1869–1957), and Khoo Seok Wan (1873–1941). They were advocates of nationalism and actively championed the Confucian revival movement throughout their lives.
See Ewe Lay, the founder of Lat Pau, came from a Peranakan family in Malacca. His family had business ties in Xiamen, and their sense of identity was more closely tied to their ancestral homeland in China. Lat Pau’s editor, Yeh, was also a learned writer from China’s Anhui province. The newspaper thus focused on reporting society news in the Nanyang region and political news from China. Its main objective was to advocate for nationalism and Confucianism through its editorials. With the support of the Chinese Consul at that time, Huang Tsun-hsien (1848–1905), Lat Pau also became a platform for Nanyang literature.3 In 1906, the newspaper introduced supplementary pages with content relating to popular culture, including Cantonese folk ballads, humorous pieces, short commentaries, poetry, and essays. These set a precedent for subsequent Chinese newspaper publications in Singapore and Malaya, which also played a role in the promotion of local Chinese literature.
Sing Po, which came later, was published by Koh Yew Hean Press. Its founder, Lin Hengnan (also known as Lim Kong Chuan, 1844–1893), was an immigrant from Kinmen, a group of islands east of Xiamen. At one point, Wong Nai Siong (1849–1924), who had previously passed the imperial examination, served as the newspaper’s chief editor. Sing Po’s efforts in promoting Confucianism were even more prominent than those of Lat Pau.
Born out of the First Sino-Japanese War which took place between 1894 and 1895, Thien Nan Shin Pao and Jit Shin Pau were founded by Khoo Seok Wan and Lim Boon Keng respectively. These two newspapers were the main forums where the nationalist movement was promoted in the late 19th century. Jit Shin Pau also published a series of scientific and educational articles written by famous Western authors, translated and edited by Lim. Special attention was also given to the activities of Chinese Philomathic Society — a group founded by Lim — and the Confucian revival movement.
By 1890, the rapidly-changing situation in China was attracting more and more attention from Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. Khoo, a supporter of the reformist movement, founded Thien Nan Shin Pao (1898–1905) to advance the movement’s ideas. Later, newspapers such as Thoe Lam Jit Poh (1904–1905), The Union Times (1905–1947), Chong Shing Yit Pao (1907–1910), Sun Poo (1908–1910) and Nan Chiau Jit Pao (1911) emerged to support either the royalist camp or the revolutionaries, and competed to influence public opinion.
The original edition of Thoe Lam Jit Poh, the first revolutionary newspaper in Singapore, is now lost. Jointly started by Teo Eng Hock (1872–1959) and Tan Chor Lam (1884–1971), the newspaper ceased publication due to poor sales and depleted funds. In 1907, Teo and Tan made a comeback under the guidance of Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925) and founded Chong Shing Yit Pao to advocate revolutionary ideas and compete with The Union Times, a royalist newspaper. Chong Shing Yit Pao was also the first Chinese newspaper in Singapore to publish political cartoons, which featured anti-Qing sentiments.
After the 1911 Revolution, reformists and revolutionaries also founded newspapers such as Cheng Nam Jit Poh (1913–1920), Kok Min Yit Poh (1914–1919), The Sin Kuo Min Press (1919–1940) and Min Kuo Jih Pao (1930–1935). Edited by Khoo, Cheng Nam Jit Poh supported the military government, led by Duan Qirui (1865–1936) after the death of Yuan Shikai, and opposed Sun and the Kuomintang. On the other hand, The Sin Kuo Min Press, Min Kuo Jih Pao, and Cheng Nam Jit Poh were overseas party newspapers of the Kuomintang. The Sin Kuo Min Press, a continuation of Kok Min Yit Poh, went on to become one of the most influential newspapers in the Nanyang region.
In the period after 1920 and before the fall of Singapore and Malaya, newspapers founded by wealthy Chinese businessmen, such as Nanyang Siang Pau (1923–1941), Sin Chew Jit Poh (1929–1941), and Sin Chung Jit Poh (1935–1941), became the mainstream product in Singapore’s Chinese newspaper industry. These three commercial newspapers were engaged in advocating the war of resistance and national salvation, with a focus on Southeast Asia. Their mutual competition led to the creation of many innovative features, such as free, well-illustrated literary supplements, weekly supplements, themed issues and New Year’s special issues. The Nanyang Yearbook and Sin Chew Jit Poh’s annual publications, as well as literary supplements such as Nanyang Studies and Nanqiao Education, included many historical documents related to Singapore and Malaya.
When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, turbulence in China drove many Chinese intellectuals to Southeast Asia. They eventually joined the Chinese newspaper industry in Singapore, raising the standards of its newspapers. But the outbreak of the Pacific War on 7 December 1941 led to the suspension of Chinese newspapers within the month. The Japanese occupation of Singapore marked the end of an era for an industry that had begun in 1845. After the end of World War II, Chinese newspapers resumed publication, ushering in a new era where they flourished even further.
Ini Indexs
Originally created for students in China, pre-war Chinese-medium textbooks had several distinct characteristics. First, they were marked by strong anti-imperialist and xenophobic sentiments. Second, they emphasised patriotism. And finally, they were steeped in Chinese cultural elements. Even the “textbooks suitable for use by overseas Chinese in Nanyang” and Singapore-imprint “Nanyang textbooks” specifically designed for Nanyang overseas Chinese students exhibited these characteristics, with a relatively weak emphasis on local identity.
In the early post-war period, Chinese-medium schools in Malaya (including Singapore) experienced significant growth. Continuing to use pre-war textbooks and instilling the students with a China consciousness would have contradicted the objectives of the new educational policies. To change this trend, it was imperative that Chinese-medium school textbooks be revised.
In 1951, in order to follow through with the Ten-Year Education Plan and the Five-Year Supplementary Education Plan, which were implemented since 1948 to promote English-medium education and control the development of dialect schools, including Chinese schools, the Malayan Federal Government invited Chinese education expert William Fenn (1903–1993) and United Nations official Dr Wu Teh-Yao (1915–1994) to conduct a study on Chinese-medium education in Malaya. This marked the beginning of the Malayanisation of textbooks.
The experts’ report on Chinese Schools and the Education of Chinese Malayans, also known as the Fenn-Wu Report, contained several criticisms of the China-published “textbooks suitable for use by overseas Chinese in Nanyang” and Singapore imprint “Nanyang textbooks” used in Chinese-medium schools in Singapore and Malaya at the time. The report pointed out that the Chinese Language textbooks were not thoroughly revised, which resulted in a lack of harmonisation of Malaya and China content. The history and geography textbooks were heavily focused on China, and the general knowledge textbooks were too ambiguous, lacking cohesion between China and Malaya content. Similarly, the civic education textbooks were weak in local content and lacked emphasis on inter-ethnic cooperation.
The report recommended that the government establish a textbook committee to undertake the revision and writing of Chinese-medium school textbooks. The revised textbooks had to consider Malayanisation as a standard for content.1 During that period, although Singapore and Malaysia were politically separate, they remained interconnected in many ways. Therefore, the concept of Malayanisation applied to Chinese-medium schools in both regions.
One of the distinctive features of Malayanised textbooks was the Malayanisation of the editorial team. In 1952, the United Publishing House was formed by five major publishers in Singapore, and they appointed Dr Zhuang Zexuan (1895–1976), a China educator who was then the principal of Han Chiang High School in Penang, as the chief editor of the textbooks. The editorial team included individuals responsible for the Chinese Language textbooks, such as Yee Soon How (1905–1957), Jin Shi (birth and death years unknown), and others. These editors were Chinese educational professionals, famous cultural figures, or important intellectuals who resided in Malaysia at that time. The textbook editorial committees and proofreaders from other publishers included figures from the literary and educational fields, such as Gwee Yee Hean (1929–2013), Linda Chen Mong Hock (1928–2002), Jing Si, Lie Tjwan Sioe (1914–1998), Chiou Sin Min, Yap Bor Lim, Zhuang Zhiquan, Huang Junxin, and Zheng Xiangdun.2
In 1953, the first set of Malayanised textbooks, the United Publishing House’s edition of Chinese Language (Guoyu), was introduced. Subsequently, until 1956, various Malayanised textbooks were available on the market. Apart from the United Publishing House edition, other publishers released their versions, including the Modern Series from Shanghai Book Company, the World Series from World Book Company, the Chung Hwa–Commercial Series jointly published by The Commercial Press and Chung Hwa Book Company, and the Nanyang Series from Nanyang Book Company. These textbooks covered various subjects, including language, civic education, general knowledge, history, geography, mathematics and the sciences.
Another characteristic of Malayanised textbooks was the localisation of content. The first set of Malayanised textbooks, including the Chinese language, civic education, general knowledge, and other subjects, adhered to the curriculum guidelines and Principles and Key Points for writing Various Subjects for Malayan Chinese Schools issued by the education authorities in Singapore and Malaya. These textbooks emphasised retaining Chinese cultural backgrounds while focusing on Malaya to cultivate a sense of love and attachment to Malaya among students.3
The United Publishing House Series Civic Education textbooks (1954, 1955, 1960) for primary schools were particularly designed to align with the civic conditions and the communal life of various ethnic groups in Malaya as much as possible. The aim was to adapt the content to the local environment and children’s experiences.4 These textbooks primarily covered topics such as the ethnic composition of Malaya, diverse religions, customs, constitution, parliament, administrative divisions, government agencies, community organisations, transportation, police and law enforcement, historical figures, the rights and responsibilities of citizens, and interethnic cooperation. Two-thirds of the content was localised, reflecting the distinct characteristics of Malaya.
In December 1956, the education authorities in Singapore and Malaya took separate paths, and the Singapore Ministry of Education reorganised the Chinese School Textbook Committee and revised the curriculum standards for Chinese-medium schools, extending them from primary to secondary education. From 1961 onwards, Chinese textbooks in Singapore’s primary and secondary schools had to be written in accordance with the Standard Curriculum for Primary and Secondary Schools, revised in 1961 and 1963. This further emphasised the localisation of content and loyalty to place of residence.
For example, the Chinese Language Textbook for Singapore Primary Schools, published by the Educational Suppliers Cooperative Limited (1961, 1963), was written in accordance with the curriculum standards for Chinese primary schools implemented in the self-governing state of Singapore in 1961. The main purpose of these textbooks was “to meet the needs of the nation’s education, guide the children to develop a noble character, instil a sense of national consciousness, and promote the spirit of harmony, cooperation, and love for the country among the various ethnic groups in the country”.5
This entire set of textbooks focused on the society of Singapore and Malaya, describing or depicting the landscapes, cultural heritage, and customs of Malaya. The illustrations in the textbooks featured individuals from various ethnic groups, including the Chinese, Malay, and Indian communities, reflecting the spirit of unity and cooperation among these ethnic groups. The Malayanised content of the geography and history textbooks was especially rich and specific.
In August 1965, Singapore separated from Malaysia to become an independent nation. Educational Suppliers Cooperative Limited took the lead in 1967, introducing a revised edition of Chinese Language textbooks. This revision further transformed content with a Malayan perspective into Singaporeanised content.
Ini Indexs
Singapore’s early Chinese immigrants would typically send a remittance — accompanied by a letter, known as qiaopi — to their family members back home. The qiaopi and remittance trade established an important network which connected overseas Chinese with their families back home, enabling the maintenance of kinship across the oceans. In the 19th century, the demand for sending remittance-mail was on the rise, as a large number of people from Southern China had migrated to Southeast Asia. This led to the emergence of qiaopi couriers, known as shuike (literally “water guests”), who specialised in delivering qiaopi for Chinese immigrants. There were about 200 of them in Singapore by 1849. Some reputable businessmen with available funds also started setting up remittance letter firms, or qiaopiju, in the 1830s. After developing for more than a century, the qiaopi trade only began to decline in the late 1970s due to changes in policy and the economic environment.
At the beginning, qiaopi were mainly delivered by Chinese individuals, usually a shuike, who frequently travelled between the immigrants’ countries of residence and their hometowns. As the number of immigrants grew, the demand for such services increased, and some Chinese retail businesses got into the qiaopi and remittance trade as well. Most of these stores operated such a trade on top of existing businesses, which included bakeries, medicinal halls, printing houses, and even tea shops run by Hokkien tea merchants. By doing so, these qiaopi and remittance traders had not only formed a qiaopi network, but also turned it into a commercial network for their original businesses. After collecting remittances from their Chinese immigrant customers, some of the traders would use the funds to purchase goods to ship to China, and then deliver the money to the receiving families after selling the goods. This practice offered more profits than solely providing remittance services.
It was clear that the qiaopi and remittance business was community-based, as members of a particular community would choose to send their letters and remittances through firms established by those from the same community. For example, the Hainanese would engage firms managed by fellow Hainanese. On the one hand, this was based on the trust in one’s fellow clansmen, and on the other, it was simply more convenient to communicate in the same dialect. One could even ask the staff — who would also be from the same community — to pen letters on their behalf.
According to existing records, 42 qiaopiju of different scales were operated by various factions of the Hokkien community in Singapore by 1937. More than 50 had been established by the Teochew community in the 1920s and 30s, and more than 40 were run by Hainanese immigrants during World War I. Most of these firms were characterised by diversified businesses and cross-regional operations, and they covered areas such as tea, paper, plastics, groceries, liquor, hardware, medicinal herbs, tobacco, printing, confectionery, general merchandise, and the import and export of indigenous products.
Located at the southern end of the Southeast Asian region and entrance of the Strait of Malacca, Singapore’s unique geographical location as an island surrounded by the sea has made it an important transportation and commercial hub, as well as a transit point of the qiaopi and remittance network in Southeast Asia. In the early 20th century, the island had around 200 qiaopiju — this was not only the highest number among Southeast Asian countries, but also exceeded the combined total of all of those countries.
As a transit point, most of the letters and remittances from Southeast Asia would converge in the qiaopiju of Singapore before they were sent to the senders’ hometowns in China. In the late 1940s, Singapore handled nearly 18% of the qiaopi industry’s business. At that time, most of the qiaopiju were run by Chinese immigrants in Southeast Asia had branches in Singapore, Hong Kong, and their hometowns. While each of these firms was likely community-based, the collective network they formed spanned and connected a large number of villages and remote areas, ensuring that overseas Chinese remained in touch with their families back home.
All in all, the qiaopi trade network was a trans-regional network that had flourished for close to two centuries, encompassing economic and trade activities with profound social and cultural implications. It maintained connections between Chinese immigrants to the Southeast Asian (with Singapore as a hub) and China, their ancestral homeland, allowing them to sustain emotional and economic ties with the families they had parted with.
Ini Indexs
On 9 August 1965, Singapore separated from Malaysia to form the Republic of Singapore. As a part of nation-building, Singapore needed a pool of technologically skilled individuals to contribute to its economic development and industrialisation. It also needed to cultivate a new generation of citizens with a sense of national identity.
For the former, the government actively promoted English-based technical education to train the required talents. For the latter, it formulated a standard curriculum that was used across the four language streams of education and also revised outdated textbooks. This was to instil a Singaporean consciousness and mould a generation of “new” Singaporeans.
In 1969, the local education community organised a four-day seminar on civics education to discuss the significance of civics training in nation-building. The seminar report pointed out that a sense of patriotism was based on an understanding of the relationship between an individual and the nation. As an immigrant society, the people of Singapore came from diverse cultural backgrounds and had different lifestyles. For them to live together in peace and harmony, it was necessary to foster mutual understanding and develop a common sense of identity.1
Implementing a common civics curriculum thus became a top priority for school education as a vital part of nation-building. The Ministry of Education had already issued a set of standard curriculum for civics education that was applicable from primary to pre-university levels in 1967.2 The following year, the World Book Company and Singapore Cultural Enterprises Private Limited each published a set of textbooks for primary schools, and both were titled The Citizen. The Educational Publications Bureau also published four volumes of Civics Education for Secondary Schools for Chinese schools and four volumes of Outline of Civics Education for Secondary Schools for English schools in 1969, followed by two volumes of Civics Education for Pre-University Students in 1970.
In a gradual and progressive manner, the term “patriotism” was used throughout the entire range of textbooks to develop students’ understanding of Singapore’s national symbols (such as the coat of arms, flag, anthem, and pledge); the nation’s state of affairs, political ideologies and systems; and its neighbouring countries and the world. The aim was to build a new Singaporean identity and foster patriotism.
In 1971, the Ministry of Education revised the curriculum and teaching guidelines for civics education. It later set up a standing committee, which was in charge of compiling a series of Education for Living textbooks to combine the teaching of civics, history, and geography in primary schools. This marked the beginning of the involvement of government officials in compiling textbooks for primary and secondary education. The Ministry of Education then replaced Education for Living with a Moral Education programme in 1980, incorporating stories of patriotic and self-sacrificing figures from foreign history, such as China’s Yue Fei, in the texts.3
To localise history, geography, and Chinese-language textbooks, the Ministry of Education standardised their ideological content through measures such as issuing standard syllabuses (or curriculum outlines), setting stringent evaluation processes for the books, and revising examination syllabuses. All textbooks were required to issue new editions written in accordance with the ministry’s curriculum standards, or to make revisions to previous versions, before the ministry would approve their use in local Chinese schools.
Taking Chinese-language textbooks as an example, the Ministry of Education issued a standard syllabus for Chinese language in 1959, marking the start of localised curriculum standards for Chinese language in Chinese schools. This was later modified and presented as “Syllabus Outline for Chinese School Secondary Four Examination, 1969 & 1970” and “Syllabus Outline for Chinese School Senior Middle School-Leaving Examination, 1969 & 1970” in 1968.
The ministry subsequently approved several Chinese textbooks for use in Chinese schools, including the ones published by Chung Hwa Book Company, Educational Publications Bureau, Singapore Cultural Enterprises Private Limited, and Educational Suppliers Cooperative Limited. According to a comparative study conducted by Chinese-language teacher Yeong Pei Lien, the content of these various versions was largely similar even though they had been put together by different people.4 This was because the textbooks were compiled according to the same curriculum guidelines, which stipulated that all texts selected should adhere to criteria such as being in line with the founding spirit of the country; promoting mutual understanding and cooperation among the various ethnic groups; narrating or describing scenic spots, cultural relics, and customs of Singapore and Malaysia; and featuring accounts of and works related to Southeast Asia.
Traditional Chinese schools were the primary market for Chinese textbooks. Before 1987, Chinese was the teaching language used in these schools. Apart from English and Malay-language classes, all other subjects were taught in Chinese, including literature, history, geography, civics education, science, mathematics, physical education, music, and Chinese language. The textbooks were also written in Chinese.
In 1979, the Singapore government unified the four language streams and made English the first language in schools nationwide, with mother tongue offered as a second language. The Ministry of Education then gradually converted non-English classes in Chinese schools to English classes in 1984. By 1987, bilingual education was fully implemented in all primary and secondary schools, with English as the main teaching language while mother tongues were taught as individual subjects.
With that, “Chinese education” in Singapore had been officially transformed into “Chinese-language teaching.” Chinese schools had become a thing of the past, while old Chinese textbooks became documents that individuals or libraries kept as treasured collections. Besides being valuable cultural heritage, these books are also important research resources that can help us understand what our Chinese forefathers had learnt, thought, and done during the various periods between the founding of modern Singapore and its independence.
Ini Indexs
The national flag was an important topic in language textbooks, as the instilling of nationalistic concepts and a sense of loyalty began with education. While Singapore’s Chinese-medium schools were around for just over a hundred years, the national flags in their textbooks are a testament to the island’s four stages of political transformation: colonisation, self-governance, merger, and independence.
When Singapore was still ruled by the British, Chinese-medium schools had no place in the education system. At the beginning, the British government left them to fend for themselves. The Republican government in control of China at that time could still send officials from its education ministry to inspect and guide Chinese schools in Singapore and Malaya. Chinese schools in Singapore used textbooks published in China, with content that instilled a sense of identification with the Republic of China. A prime example was “Guoqi ge” (The Flag Song) in Volume Three of Guoyu jiaokeshu (Textbook of Chinese): “The national flag flies, the blue sky is high, the sun is bright, and a red glow fills the land. The national flag soars, the blue sky(qingtian) is endless, the sun is at its highest, and a red glow (bairi) fills the land. The national flag is beautiful, blue sky, bright sun, with red all around. Oh flag that I love I salute you with bow.” This was a political oath to the Republic of China’s flag, which was “blue sky, bright sun, with red all around” (qingtian bairi mandi hong).
The above-mentioned texts championing loyalty to the Republic of China caught the attention of the colonial authorities in the 1930s, and they began to ban textbooks that did not serve the interests of the British. Responding to criticism from the colonial government, the publishing house added the chapter, “The Flag of the United Kingdom”, to the same textbook. It introduced the flag of the colonial masters in a song: “The British flag is so beautiful, with two crosses crossed set against a blue background. England, Scotland and Ireland united and never to separate.” The introduction of the Union Jack nominally balanced out the one-sided emphasis on Chinese political identity in the textbook.
Ten years after the end of World War II, despite the anti-colonial atmosphere, Singapore and Malaya still had not gained independence. Their identification with “the land of Malaya”, however, grew increasingly intense. This was reflected in Chinese school textbooks. Singing the praises of Malaya was a new trend, and the earlier-taught concepts of Nanyang, as well as the China political overtones in the original textbooks, quickly faded. Concepts of Chinese cultural identity (zhonghua wenhua rentong) replaced Chinese political identity towards China. The chapter “Women ai malaiya” (We Love Malaya) in Volume Two of Xiandai guoyu duben (Modern Series Textbook: Chinese Language), published by the Shanghai Book Company in 1955 for high school students, highlighted the affection Chinese immigrants had for Malaya during the anti-colonial period.
In 1957, the Malay peninsula achieved independence and formed the Federation of Malaya. Singapore would still belong to the British for another two years. In 1959, the British finally agreed to Singapore becoming a self-governing state. Chinese school textbooks were then updated to include the Singapore state flag and state anthem to the entire cohort of students. In the first volume of the 1961 textbook Xinghua wenxuan (Selected Chinese Works of Singapore), the chapter “Xinjiapo de bangqi he banghui” (State Flag and State Emblem of Singapore) conveyed the concept of a self-governing state. In “Bangqisong” (Ode to the State Flag), included in the second volume of the teaching resource of Huayu (The Chinese Language) for Primary Five learners, its lyrics “The red and white state flag flies in the sky, with a crescent moon arising amidst the red accompanied by five stars”, was a sign of the fading presence of the national flag of the Republic of China, which had been flying in Chinese school textbooks for nearly half a century by then.
In 1963, just four years after Singapore became a self-governing state, Singapore and Malaya were again reshaped by political shifts. Malaysia was established, and Singapore joined the newly-formed political entity that comprised Malaya, Sarawak and Sabah. Against these developments, textbooks were quickly updated to reflect the new political landscape.
However, two years later, just as Singaporeans were still familiarising themselves with the Malaysian flag, the political tides turned. Singapore separated from Malaysia to become an independent republic. The developments happened so quickly that there was no time to revise the textbooks. Teachers resorted to getting students to pencil the word “Singapore” over the word “Malaysia” wherever it was found in the textbooks.
Post-independence, the concept of national identity was a major theme in Chinese textbooks, especially in primary school. The number of chapters focusing on national education expanded significantly, more so than in the earlier periods. Beyond introducing the national flag, teachings aimed at cultivating national consciousness increased significantly, covering topics such as reciting the Pledge, National Service, racial harmony and others.
The development of Chinese school textbooks reflects Singapore’s political evolution through history, from colonisation to self-governance, and merger to independence. These textbooks documented the four important stages of Singapore’s political development in a far more pronounced manner than English textbooks at the time.
Ini Indexs
Singapore’s multiethnic society has given rise to a complex, diverse linguistic environment. While English serves as the country’s official administrative language, there are three official mother tongues — Malay for the Malay community, Mandarin for the Chinese community, and Tamil for the Indian community.
Other languages or dialects are also spoken within these communities, making the development of local languages even more intricate. For example, within the Malay community, besides Malay, some individuals also speak Javanese and Boyani. In the Chinese community, there are speakers of Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainanese, Hakka, and other dialects. The Indian community also has speakers of Punjabi, Hindustani, and Bengali, among others.1
During the British colonial period, English was Singapore’s administrative language. Legislation, administration, announcements, documents, and other government-related matters were conducted in English. However, the colonial government adopted an open, tolerant attitude towards the languages used by different ethnic groups, allowing them to develop independently with minimal interference. As a result, there were various schools catering to different language streams, such as Malay-language schools, Chinese-language schools, Tamil-language schools, which continued for years.
In the 1950s, due to political considerations and the pursuit of a merger with the Federation of Malaya, the government implemented a multilingual policy that positioned Malay as the national language. Singapore’s founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (1923–2015) remarked, “The first political reality we had to deal with was the Federation of Malaya. Its constitution recognised Malay as the national language and the sole official language. Because I wanted Singapore to become part of the Federation, our education policy had to be mindful of this reality. We had to make Malay our national language too.”2 He further emphasised, “while all should learn the national language, other races should have the freedom to study and use their own languages.”3
Singapore gained independence on 9 August 1965. The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore explicitly states the provisions regarding official languages and the national language. Malay, Mandarin, Tamil, and English are the four official languages in Singapore, with Malay also being the national language. From a legal perspective, this ensures the official, legitimate status of the languages of the major ethnic groups. Singapore became the first country, outside of regions with written Chinese and spoken Mandarin as the predominant medium (such as China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau) to elevate Mandarin to constitutional status as one of the official languages.
Certainly, the languages and dialects in Singapore have long been in a dynamic state of change. Before and during the early years of nationhood, there was linguistic diversity and complexity, with various dialects and accents within the same language. National language policies and planning have affected the mother tongue of the Chinese community since the country’s independence, especially with the Speak Mandarin Campaign that was launched in 1979. Chinese dialects have gradually declined, and Mandarin has become the predominant means of communication within the Chinese community.
The term huayu (Mandarin) has been the subject of some debate. However, many people find it an acceptable term for “the common language used by overseas Chinese”, distinct from the Standard Mandarin spoken in China. This is particularly accepted in regions like Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and other parts of Nanyang (Southeast Asia), where people are accustomed to using a form of Mandarin that is linguistically close to Standard Mandarin, whereby pronunciation is guided by hanyu pinyin. The Mandarin commonly used in Singapore serves not only as the primary means of communication among the Chinese community, but also as the standard language used in Chinese radio, television, newspapers, and mother-tongue language education in schools.
Mandarin has developed in Singapore over more than a hundred years. In the 1957 population census, only 0.1%4 of the Chinese population claimed Mandarin as their mother tongue, and 26.7% claimed to be able to speak Mandarin. However, since the government initiated the Speak Mandarin Campaign in September 1979, which advocated the use of Mandarin and the reduced use of dialects, Mandarin has seen widespread adoption. In the year 2000, the proportion of Chinese households where Mandarin was the language most frequently spoken at home was 45.1%. This increased to 47.7% in 2010. Although there is a slight decline in the usage of Mandarin since 2020, with English becoming more prevalent, it still remains at 40.2%.5
The standardisation of Mandarin in Singapore is largely aligned with the standards and norms of Standard Mandarin in China. The phonetic systems, including initial consonants, finals, and tones, closely resemble those of Standard Mandarin. The lexicon shares similarities with Standard Mandarin, although there are variations in everyday vocabulary. Differences may arise in political terminology due to the two regions’ distinct political systems.
Local Mandarin in Singapore has also incorporated expressions from other dialects. Most Chinese people in Singapore are descendants of immigrants who arrived during the Qing dynasty and Republican era from coastal provinces in southern China such as Fujian, Guangdong, and Hainan, and naturally brought their respective dialects along with them. These dialects have influenced the pronunciation, vocabulary, grammar, and colloquial expressions of Mandarin in Singapore.
Singapore Mandarin is also influenced by other languages, especially Malay and English. Over time, some Malay words have been incorporated into Mandarin, such as basha (pasar), which means market, and ganbang (kampung), which means village. In Singapore, a former British colony, some English words and concepts have also been absorbed into Mandarin — such as andi (auntie) and qianluo (money mule).
Singapore Mandarin is not equivalent to China’s Standard Mandarin. Strictly speaking, it is a regional variant of Standard Mandarin.
Describing the characteristics of a language involves both its inherent features and distinctions observed in comparison with other languages. Based on the observations of scholars, here are some key features of local Mandarin in Singapore.
When Mandarin is spoken in Singapore, people have the tendency to not use neutral tones (literally “light tone”, which means the second syllable is pronounced in a lighter tone than the first syllable) and erhua (the addition of the “r” sound to the end of certain words). Most words that would typically have neutral tones in Standard Mandarin are pronounced without them in Singapore. For example, dàfāng (generous), cōngmíng (clever), bàbà (father), māmā (mother), nǎodaì (brain). The erhua of Standard Mandarin pronunciations such as wánr (play), càihuār (cauliflower), bànr (half side of something), and bǐjiānr (the nip), is often simplified, and the retroflex ending is omitted. Additionally, consonants found at the start of syllables in Standard Mandarin (such as “zh”, “ch”, “sh”, and “r”) are pronounced with less retroflexion in Singapore. Some vowel sounds are also conflated, such as the merger of “en” and “eng”, or “in” and “ing”.
In terms of vocabulary, Singapore Mandarin preserves some words from Southern Chinese dialects, such as toujia (towkay), jiaotou (corner), pashu (kiasu, or fear of losing), yilu lai (all the way, continuously), wulong (mistake), jiasi (furniture), jitongyajiang (inability to communicate effectively, literally “like a chicken speaking to a duck”). Additionally, Singapore Mandarin has incorporated some English words, such as guben (coupon, parking ticket/voucher) and luoli (lorry, truck).
As for grammar, many expressions in Singapore Mandarin are influenced by Hokkien and Cantonese. For example, the term 粒 (lì) is used for both small, round objects, such as yi li mi (one grain of rice), and large, round objects, such as yi li xi gua (one watermelon). Some expressions exhibit overlapping forms, such as si qiao qiao (describing someone who has died completely) and kou hua hua (sweet-talking, using flowery speech).
Additionally, there are other colloquial phrases and specific expressions that originate from other dialects. An example is mei yu xia ye hao, which literally means “having shrimp is better than having no fish”. This phrase is used to express that having something is better than nothing. Kou shui duo guo cha, which literally means “more saliva than tea”, is used to describe someone who talks a lot but lacks substance, or who engages in empty talk.
In summary, Singapore Mandarin is a unique linguistic variant that maintains consistency with Standard Mandarin while incorporating characteristics from various Chinese dialects. It is a dynamic language that reflects the multicultural nature of Singapore.
Ini Indexs
Generally, art activities in Singapore had tended to be divided along ethnic and linguistic lines until after the war, when a more multicultural consciousness emerged. Here we trace the development of art in Singapore back to its formative years, with a special focus on the Chinese in the context of Singapore’s multiracial and multicultural society.
The story begins a few decades into the founding of modern Singapore, when the colonial British, Straits-born Chinese and China-born Chinese pursued art quite independently of each other. Discrete as these groupings might be in terms of their organisation and activities, there were occasional interactions between them over the years.
The first Chinese painting studio was established in Singapore in 1849 by Lam Qua or Kwan Kiu Cheong (1801–1860), a celebrated artist from Canton, who placed a newspaper advertisement in The Straits Times offering portrait services in oil and watercolour at a place “adjoining the New Carriage Bridge” (now known as Elgin Bridge). Another advertisement in Thien Nam Sin Pao, placed by a company in 1898, claimed to have offered seal carving and calligraphy services for over three decades in the vicinity of South Bridge Road — meaning that its operations would have begun around 1868. Chinese photographers from Canton and Shanghai, previously employed as painters, became active in Singapore and the Malay Archipelago as early as the 1840s, and arrived in greater numbers in the second half of the 19th century.
An art group called Sketching Club is known to have been formed by Lieutenant Colonel Taylor (birth and death years unknown) and his sister between 1878 and 1881. It mounted an exhibition in 1882 under its new name, the Singapore Art Club. Likely established exclusively for British residents, it subsequently invited artists from an art group known as the Amateur Drawing Association (ADA) to participate in its competitions in 1919. The ADA was a Peranakan organisation dedicated to drawing, literary pursuits and physical culture, established in Amoy Street in 1909 by a group of Straits-born Chinese keen to promote art.
The more educated among those who arrived from China at that time were concerned about the low literacy and cultural levels of the rapidly growing population. To address this, Tso Ping Lung (1850–1924), China’s first Consulate-General in Singapore from 1881 to 1891, established the Huixian she (Celestial Reasoning Association) to encourage the Chinese to improve their English through debates. Tso’s successor Huang Tsun Hsien (1848–1905), who served from 1891 to 1894, continued with the effort of the society under a new name Tu Nan she (literally “advancing the South society”). Later, poet and reformer Khoo Seok Wan (1874–1941) established the Lize she (Society of Mutual Learning) to improve the appreciation of culture and the arts.
Singapore’s earliest known ink painting came in the form of a Chinese album with a portrait of Khoo Seok Wan, painted by Teochew artist Yu Tao in 1898 and titled Fengyue qinzun tu, or, “Picture of a man playing the zither over a bottle of wine on a breezy moonlit night”. It was a typical romanticised setting for a scholar-poet to express himself in the literati tradition. In this case, Khoo had commissioned the work to reflect his disillusionment with the failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform in China in 1898.
Khoo Seok Wan, the founder of Chinese-language newspaper Thien Nam Sin Pao, enthusiastically promoted calligraphy by publishing classic examples for wider circulation apart from introducing them in his newspaper. A poet, journalist and keen collector of paintings and epigraphic works, Khoo became a staunch promoter of this literati art form during the end of the 19th century and early 20th century. As reflected in newspaper reports during this period, it was common for many artists arriving from China to place advertisements offering to sell their paintings and calligraphic services in order to raise funds for their travel expenses. This was often on the advice of editors who were themselves art aficionados.
The practice of artists selling calligraphic and seal-carving services through advertisements in the newspapers, common in the late 19th century and beginning of the 20th century, reflected a real demand for works such as shop signs, couplets and interior decorations for commercial buildings as well as private homes. Seal stones that were essential for business documents and correspondence had to be carved by calligraphers skilled in the highly specialised epigraphic art. As business activities expanded, the demand for more sophisticated calligraphic and seal-carving skills also grew.
In 1906, there was a studio offering painting lessons in watercolour, oil and charcoal by Soo Pun Ting, a well-known artist and photographer in South Bridge Road. Soo advertised regularly in The Singapore Free Press, offering lessons in drawing and painting at $15 per month and $150 for the complete course. The advertisement on some days listed the names of those who had passed the examination. From the list we could tell that most of them were Chinese people who spoke Cantonese, Teochew, Hainanese, Hokkien and Hakka. Some were women, and there were also one Portuguese and one Malay student.
Education in Chinese schools also helped shape the development of art in Singapore from the 19th century to early 20th century. Early Chinese private schools followed the traditional curriculum from China consisting of Confucian classics, calligraphy and zhusuan (arithmetic with the abacus). The later schools continued to teach calligraphy. One might assume that the rigorous daily drill of writing characters with ink and brush in school — under teachers proficient in calligraphy — would have led pupils to imbibe the rich visual culture of the Chinese tradition from an early age.
The teaching of art in the early Chinese schools was an important part of art activities as the Chinese community was beginning to set up schools for their children. Education in Chinese schools also helped shape the development of art in Singapore from the 19th century to early 20th century.
Ini Indexs
The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce & Industry (SCCCI), initially named The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, was established in 1906. The background of its establishment can be understood from three aspects: the arrival of the British and the formation of Singapore’s immigrant society, the modernisation policies of the late Qing period, and the attitude of the British colonial government.
1. Arrival of the British and formation of Singapore’s immigrant society
When the British first arrived in Singapore in 1819, their pro-trade policies and establishment of a free port system successfully attracted merchants from various regions to conduct trade. At the same time, a large number of Chinese labourers were recruited to contribute to the development of the colony’s economy. By the early 20th century, Singapore had already developed the prototype of an open, diverse immigrant society.
The Chinese merchants who engaged in local business, notably entrepôt trade, became wealthy and gradually emerged as a dominant group in Singapore’s Chinese community, ascending to leadership positions. These wealthy merchants expanded their social status and influence locally, playing a pivotal role in the region and fostering a strong, emerging Chinese business community. As the business environment and societal demands became more complex, local Chinese merchants felt it necessary to establish a business association to strengthen cooperation among themselves in order to provide better services to the business community.
2. Modernisation policies of the late Qing period
After the Opium Wars, the Qing government was forced to sign unequal treaties. Humiliated, the Qing government sought to restore its country’s image and strengthen its military. The Qing government thus initiated modernisation policies in China, emphasising the development of industry and commerce. Specifically, in 1903, the Qing court established the Ministry of Commerce with the aim of “opening up commercial relations, uniting organisations, and revitalising industries”, leading to the establishment of chambers of commerce both domestically and overseas.
In 1904, the Qing government appointed the prominent Nanyang merchant Chang Pi Shih (also known as Cheong Fatt Tze or Zhang Bishi, 1841–1916) as the Chinese Imperial Commissioner for investigating Commercial Affairs in Foreign Countries to oversee the establishment of chambers of commerce in various places in Nanyang.
In late 1905, Chang arrived in Singapore. He proposed the establishment of a Chinese chamber of commerce at a banquet held at the Thong Chai Medical Institution, even personally donating 3,000 yuan as the seed fund for the establishment. The various leaders of the overseas Chinese present at the banquet all agreed with the initiative.
On 22 February 1906, after numerous meetings and discussions, local Chinese businessmen drafted the provisional charter for the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce. It was officially named “Xinjiapo Zhonghua Shangwu Zonghui” (Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce) 1, with over 600 Chinese businessmen signing up for membership. On 16 March, the Chamber voted in an election to form its first council of 52 members. Ultimately, Hokkien businessman Goh Siew Tin and his Teochew counterpart Tan Hoon Chew were appointed as the President and Vice-President respectively.
3. Attitude of the British colonial government
Finally, the British colonial government also adopted a positive attitude towards the establishment of the Chamber of Commerce. This can be seen from the fact that the colonial government received the exemption from registration application from the Chamber on 6 April 1906 and approved it just one month later. The colonial government welcomed the emergence of a new cross-dialect representative body among the local Chinese business community, seeing it as a bridge that would facilitate communication and cooperation between the Chinese community and the government.
The submission of the exemption from registration application in 1906 also illustrated the local Chinese merchants were familiar with the administrative mechanism of the colonial government, as they used legal means to safeguard the rights and interests of the Chinese business community. The colonial government’s swift approval of this request likewise demonstrated its trust in the Chamber of Commerce.
From this perspective, the establishment of the Chamber of Commerce played an important role for both the Qing court and the British colonial government, in which both sides hoped to gain the support and loyalty of the Chamber of Commerce. The colonial government’s attitude towards the Chamber of Commerce opened up a new dynamic between politics and business in the local community.
For the Qing dynasty, the Chamber of Commerce was not just an overseas private business group; it represented the Qing government’s innovative political endeavour. The Chamber of Commerce had multiple functions, including conveying policies as an intermediary, fundraising for disaster relief; attracting investments; and promoting China-made products, education, and cultural activities. With both the Qing government and the government of the Republic of China seeking to maintain ties with the Singapore Chinese community, the role of the Chamber of Commerce was crucial.
For the local Chinese community, the establishment of the Chamber of Commerce symbolised the ability of Chinese businessmen to adapt to the trends of the times and create a novel organisation to meet internal and external needs. It also signified the first local cross-dialect and cross-trade business body, which attempted to fulfil the roles of “uniting the community, creating business opportunities, and striving for the welfare of the people”. It was key in representing the Chinese community in mediating between the Chinese and British and, by extension, safeguarding the rights of the local Chinese.
The Chamber of Commerce maintained good relations with the British colonial government in Singapore before independence. It received visits from members of the British royal family, organised celebrations for the coronation of the British monarch, supported the purchase of British government bonds, raised funds for disaster relief in Commonwealth countries, and participated in discussions on legislation related to the rights of local Chinese people. It also assisted in maintaining social order and stability in local society.
In summary, local Chinese merchants established the Chamber of Commerce at the beginning of the 20th century with the aim of shaping a new social order in colonial society, navigating the complex and intricate relationships between the local Chinese community, the overseas Chinese government, and the colonial government.
For over a century, the Chamber bore witness to Singapore’s development and exerted its influence at every stage, from the British colonial period, to the Pacific War, to Singapore’s self-governance and merger with Malaya, and finally to its independence and nation-building years.
In 1966, Singapore’s founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (1923–2015) once said, “The history of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce is a reflection of the history of Singapore”, summarising the Chamber’s journey in its early days and highlighting its ongoing mission to keep pace with the times.
Ini Indexs
In the early post-World War II period, the Chinese community in Singapore experienced a revival. Chinese schools resumed operations, and many Chinese newspapers were republished or newly launched. These post-war Chinese newspapers can be divided into the following stages, according to historical background and other factors.
From a historical perspective, the decade after World War II was a period of turbulence for China as it transitioned from civil war to a change in political power. This decade was also a prelude to constitutional autonomy for Singapore, after it regained power from the British colonial government. Nationalism was on the rise and there was a growing aspiration for independence. Politically active journalists expressed their views using newspapers as a platform.
During this period, newspapers varied in their political leanings. Some leaned towards the left, some were anti-communist, others were centre-left or right-leaning, and some had little political overtones. For example, newspapers such as Nanyang Siang Pau, Sin Chew Daily, Wah Kiu Yat Po (Overseas Chinese Daily News), Gong Bao, and Yi Shi Bao claimed to be impartial, but in reality still bore China’s influence. Politically, they leant towards the centre-right or centre-left.
Another category consisted of newspapers with a strong mainland Chinese or local political consciousness, such as Xin Min Zhu Bao, Nan Chiau Jit Pau, Nan Qiao Wan Bao, and Chong Shing Yit Pao.
Newspapers like Nan Fang Wan Bao, Nan Yang Wan Bao, Min Bao (The Chinese Times), and Xin Sheng Ri Bao (The New Life Daily News) attracted readers with their unique characteristics, but had little political consciousness.1
In the pre-war and early post-war period, publishers, journalists, and readers of Chinese newspapers in Singapore had a strong mainland Chinese consciousness, which was evident from the language used in their headlines and commentaries. During this time, terms like “motherland”, “our country”, and “national flag” referred to China. However, after 1949, there was a significant shift in China’s political ideology. Overseas Chinese came under scrutiny during a series of political campaigns such as the Three-Anti and Five-Anti Campaigns.
The Chinese Communist Party government also encouraged overseas Chinese to settle down and be loyal to the local government. As Singapore gradually moved towards autonomy and independence from the 1950s onwards, the Chinese community began to fight for citizenship rights under the leadership of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce.
During this period, Chinese-language newspapers gradually shifted from being pro-China to encouraging loyalty to one’s country of residence. Newspapers actively supported the citizenship rights movement, encouraging readers to register as voters and consider their place of residence as their primary homeland. They also began to pay attention to and participate in local politics.
In 1965, after separating from Malaysia and becoming an independent nation, Singapore actively pursued educational reforms by implementing a policy of bilingualism. Chinese-medium schools began to decline, along with readership of Chinese-language newspapers. As a result, the Chinese newspaper industry gradually shifted from confidence to concern. The rise and fall of the Chinese language and Chinese-medium education became a source of worry for the Chinese press and the Chinese community.
During this period, Shin Min Daily News was founded in 1967. The newspaper was jointly set up by local businessman Leong Yun Chee (1897–1971) and the well-known Hong Kong journalist, Jin Yong (Louis Cha Leung-yung, 1924–2018). The newspaper focused more on social news, and was presented in a lively, relaxed way. Its supplements also featured martial arts novels by Jin Yong, which made it quite popular among the general public. Its sales volume could even rival that of newspapers like Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh.
In the 1970s, the Singapore government implemented a policy promoting the use of simplified Chinese characters. As a result, newspapers like Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh gradually transitioned to using simplified Chinese characters, which they fully adopted by the 1980s. In 1979, both newspapers also switched to horizontal Chinese script, marking a historic reform. On 15 March 1983, the long-standing Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh were merged under government guidance to form the Nanyang-Sin Chew Lianhe Zaobao. At the same time, Lianhe Wanbao was published, ushering in a new chapter for Chinese-language newspapers.
In the 1980s, amid a backdrop of rapid change in the international environment, society in Singapore continued to evolve. The language reforms implemented in the early 1950s began to show their effects. Chinese education experienced a decline, Chinese-medium schools became history, and the readership of Chinese newspapers continued to shrink.
Chinese newspapers struggled to survive. Under government guidance, the Chinese and English newspaper industries were integrated to establish Singapore Press Holdings. After pooling resources, Lianhe Zaobao, together with Lianhe Wanbao and Shin Min Daily News, took on the mission of building cohesion in the Chinese community, promoting the Chinese language and imparting Chinese culture.
To achieve this, the three newspapers focused on traditional journalistic quality, ensuring professionalism in news reporting and diversity in supplements. But they also engaged in Chinese literature, art, and cultural activities. This included organising literary camps, the Golden Lion Awards, and hosting Chinese book fairs, Chinese cultural festivals, and other projects.2
In 1995, Lianhe Zaobao launched its digital edition, becoming one of the earliest Chinese newspapers worldwide to go digital. This expanded its market to China and established its presence beyond Singapore.3 In 2021, Lianhe Wanbao merged with Shin Min Daily News, and the unified newspaper was sold under the name of Shin Min Daily News.
Compared to before the war, there are fewer Chinese newspapers in Singapore today. But in terms of quality, today’s newspapers surpass their predecessors. In the face of the decline of Chinese education and shrinking readership, Chinese newspapers that survived managed to cultivate new generations of journalists. In an era where the influence of social media is becoming increasingly significant, the establishment of the government-led SPH Media Trust in 2021 is the Singapore government and civil society’s recognition of the contributions of the Chinese newspaper industry.
Ini Indexs
Since its establishment in 1906, the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce & Industry (SCCCI) has been the apex body of Singapore’s Chinese business community. Before World War II, it played a vital role in unifying dialect groups, opening up business opportunities, and speaking up for the people. After Singapore gained independence, SCCCI leaned heavily into its role of promoting the development of commerce in Singapore, and its influence continues to this day.
Over the past century, the Chamber has always adhered to the “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit”, contributing in the areas of politics, economy, education and culture in Singapore. In 2017, SCCCI’s 59th Council emphasised this “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit” as the cornerstone of its development.1It identified “integrity, loyalty, giving back, and innovation” as core values underpinning this.2
The installation of the 61st Council of SCCCI was held in March 2022. Building on the “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit”, it used 10 Chinese characters to sum up the organisation’s core values: “patriotism”, “integrity”, “legacy”, “innovation” and “uniting businesses”.3 That same year, when SCCCI held an opening ceremony for a newly-renovated building, then Prime Minister Lee Hsien Long presented a wooden plaque inscribed with the words “integrity as the foundation”, “loyalty to the nation”, “innovation at the forefront”, and “giving back to the people” — encouraging SCCCI to continue its contributions to society and the country.
Following its establishment, the SCCCI, representing the business community, spoke up several times against the British colonial government’s intention to implement an income tax. During the Great Depression in the 1930s, SCCCI petitioned the colonial government to set up artisan factories to accommodate the unemployed who had lost their jobs. It also urged the authorities to set up large manufacturing factories to shelter workers with stable jobs, which would benefit the local business community.
After World War II, SCCCI helped businesses report to the colonial government their wartime losses and compensation amounts. It also opposed the rice ration and the new income tax policy, as it wanted the local economy to recover faster. SCCCI led the citizenship movement from 1947 to 1957 — wrestling with the colonial government for citizenship rights for the people, and encouraging local residents to sink their roots in the community.
When Singapore obtained the status of self-governing state in 1959, SCCCI organised a Singapore Constitution Exposition which attracted over 300,000 visitors — making it the largest exposition ever held in South East Asia. This suggested that the local Chinese business community had faith in the SCCCI’s leadership, supported Singapore’s self-governance, and identified with its political position.
After Singapore achieved independence in 1965, SCCCI set up a Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce Foundation to award scholarships to students with outstanding grades. SCCCI fully supported the government’s push for industrialization and led the business community in helping the country modernise. SCCCI also organised business missions to encourage members to strengthen their overseas connections and boost international trade. When the government announced the introduction of National Service in 1967, SCCCI offered its full support, helping with publicity and registration. In 1968, the SCCCI helped raise more than $1.23 million for the National Defence Fund for the government.
In the 1970s, SCCCI worked closely with Singapore government, businesses, and multinationals to bring an end to an unreasonable contract system: through their negotiations, they succeeded in breaking the monopoly that various Western-controlled shipping conferences had over shipping. This led to lower freight rates, and brought benefits to the business community.
In the 1980s, SCCCI — anticipating upcoming trends — started a microcomputer centre. It also set up a training centre offering a variety of courses to people from all walks of life. This was converted into The Singapore Chinese Chamber Institute of Business in the 1990s. SCCCI went on to launch the World Chinese Entrepreneurs Convention and the SME Conference in the 1990s — encouraging the Singapore business community to expand its network globally, and local small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to enter the era of computers and the Internet.
In August 1991, SCCCI organised the inaugural World Chinese Entrepreneurs Convention. The aim was to establish a global business network for Chinese businessmen around the world to strengthen their business ties with each other. Chinese business organisations from around the world take turns to host the convention, which is a biennial event.
In 2004, SCCCI and the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations jointly established the Chinese Language and Culture Fund to support projects that helped raise the standards of Chinese and promote Chinese culture. In 2006, SCCCI established the Enterprise Development Centre and held the Trade Association Congress for the first time to integrate information from various industries and share resources. In 2007, SCCCI supported the set up of Business China, an organisation initiated by the government, that would further its efforts to cultivate bilingual and bicultural local talent.
Since setting up its first overseas representative office in Shanghai in 2010, SCCCI has gone on to establish a presence in other Chinese cities such as Chongqing, Chengdu and Nanjing — serving as an important bridge between local businesses, governments and overseas markets. In 2017, SCCCI established the Trade Association (TA) Hub, a platform for local businesses in different fields to collaborate and work to transform themselves. During the COVID-19 pandemic, SCCCI worked closely with the government to support the needy through donations and in kind assistance. Furthermore, it has set up a Singapore Import Pavilion in Shanghai to help members expand their business.
SCCCI has been keeping pace with the times — be it through the approach it takes with its work plans, or in the way it implements the “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit”. It continues to further its legacy and fulfil its mission and vision.