Ini Indexs
The early Chinese community in Singapore had its own system of functioning. When the colonial government paid little attention to its welfare, the Chinese community took up the responsibility of looking after themselves. From setting up communal burial grounds, to establishing hospitals, schools, and helping people tackle problems and resolve disputes, mutual support within the community was evident in many ways.
The Chinese community provided help to its members through clan associations. Early immigrants developed close relationships with people from the same hometown, and set up clan associations or mutual aid groups to support one another. In addition to providing employment and accommodation for the sinkehs,1 clan associations also served as contact centres for immigrants of their respective various dialect groups and helped them stay united.
Before clan associations were formed in Singapore, however, temples acted as important organisations to address psychological and livelihood issues of these immigrants.
In the 19th century, the Chinese community in Singapore was built on a system of bang which is virtually a dialect group. The five major groups of bang were Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainanese, and Hakka. Many temples in Singapore had also been organised according to such bang structure.
In the example of the Hokkien bang, Malacca-born merchants who originated from the regions of Zhangzhou and Quanzhou acquired gentry power (bang leadership) by building temples to unite their clansmen, and monopolised leadership positions. As the bang was held above all else, the authority of its leader was inviolable. It was likely that bang leaders had intended to use the divine authority of temples to unify their people, and rely on it to establish gentry power, which was then used to lead, and subsequently become the community leader. In short, divinity was employed to empower the gentry, which in turn legitimised the powers of the bang.
Active participation in temple activities was one of the prerequisites for becoming a community leader of the Chinese community in the early years. See Hoot Kee (1793–1847), leader of the Hokkien clan in Singapore, was the first person to start this trend when he founded Heng San Teng Temple on Silat Road (now Jalan Bukit Merah) in 1828. In addition to See Hoot Kee, Cheang Hong Lim (1825–1893) was another Hokkien leader who was enthusiastic about temple activities.
In the 24 years between 1863 and 1887, Cheang Hong Lim rebuilt and erected five temples. First, he constructed Shuang Shi Da Bo Gong Temple in Pasir Panjang in 1863 and renovated it in 1891. In 1869, he assisted in the expansion of Fuk Tak Chi Temple — co-founded by clans representing people from Guangzhou, Huizhou, Zhaoqing, Fengshun, Yongding, Dapu, and Jiaying — on Telok Ayer Street. In 1887, he reconstructed Qing Yuan Zhen Jun Temple on Upper Hokkien Street (the original was built in 1849 and torn down in the 1980s) and Giok Hong Tian Temple on Havelock Road. He also single-handedly financed the renovation of Kim Lan Temple on Narcis Street (the site of present-day Tanjong Pagar Plaza), which was subsequently relocated to Kim Tian Road. Of all the leaders of the Hokkien community, Cheang Hong Lim built the most temples.
Temples governed under bang were mainly responsible for arranging, managing and executing matters that concerned the public lives of their respective clansmen. They held an important social role, and were managed by leaders of the local Chinese community and key figures of clans. As Southeast Asian historian Tan Yeok Seong (1903–1984) noted in the foreword of the book Shile guji (Historical Monuments in Silat), the role of temples had been constantly expanding since they became socialised, most notably seen to be “organising charity deeds, founding schools, and developing high levels of social functionality”.
The coexistence and interdependence of temples and clan associations played an important role in the Chinese community in early Singapore. For example, Thian Hock Keng temple — built for the worship of sea goddess Mazu — was the result of the Hokkien clan’s efforts, and previously housed the Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan. Today, the social functions of temples are no longer as strong as before, since the socio-economic environment changed as the country progressed.
Clan associations inherited the traditions of temples, and evolved into the clan associations of today through continuous reforms and management of issues within the Chinese community. Temples and clan associations shared a close relationship and had many things in common, and they each fulfilled their social roles during a specific period of history, bearing witness to the history and development of modern Singapore.
Ini Indexs
Qiaopi refers to a letter with a remittance sent back to the family of a Chinese migrant working abroad. These were sent through privately-operated remittance bureaus, and often had these characteristics:
In the early days, most Chinese migrants were male. They would go abroad alone to earn a living, and accumulate money to send back to their hometowns to support their families. Women, children and the elderly often remained in the hometown. In addition, traditional Chinese values placed importance on seniority and male members of the family over females, so over 60% of qiaopi were addressed to paternal grandparents or parents, and predominantly to the men. If women were to receive the qiaopi there would also be strict adherence to status, taking into account seniority and patriarchal bloodline. If the paternal grandmother was alive, one would not address it to the mother. If the mother was alive, one would not address it to the wife. Even one’s young son had more rights to receive the qiaopi than the mother.
During those early days, many of the migrants generally were not highly educated — most were illiterate or semi-illiterate. When they made their remittances, they would only write the date and the amount. There emerged a group of more educated people who were able to help the migrants write simple letters, or assistants in the remittance agencies who would help them to write a message for free. In Singapore, professional letter writers would sit at a small stall by the road. They would be equipped with a small table, paper, brush, ink, as well as a stool. The small stalls would often be at the five-foot ways of shophouses, under the shade of a tree, or at the base of a wall. The letter writers would charge three to six cents per letter, depending on how long it was. The letters they wrote were often neat and tidy, included some calligraphy, and were in a set format, using polite language to respectfully ask after the family.
In most instances, accompanying a letter would be a remittance to help with family expenses and education for the children. However, in some instances, the Chinese migrants would also send some items that could not be easily procured in their hometown, for example flour, western medicines, or new styles of clothing and fabrics.
The Chinese who emigrated to Singapore were predominantly Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainanese, and Hakka. The qiaopi of the different communities would often contain specific words and phrases unique to those dialect groups. Often, migrants would seek out a letter writer who spoke the same dialect as them to write their letters. The Chinese migrants would go to a remittance agency operated by their own community to send their qiaopi back to their hometown.
The qiaopi shed light on the economics, society, culture and politics of the time. In acknowledgment of its cultural and historical significance, it was included in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register in 2013.
Qiaopi helped connect relatives across the sea. These were some of its important functions:
In the early days, the migrants were often men who had left their parents, wives and children behind in their hometowns. Although it seems they were not present in the everyday lives of their families, their influence as the head of the household remained. They men would often remit money to their families at regular intervals, which made them the main financial pillar of the family. Not only that, the qiaopi would often indicate their decisions on family matters.
Some of the men who migrated and left their wives behind would marry another wife and have children in their new country. However, they would also maintain their relationship with their wives and children in their hometown. This led to the phenomenon of early Chinese migrants “heading two families”. Some of the wives who remained in the hometown had not borne any children because their husbands were abroad for a long time. As a result, they would adopt children so they would have someone to care for them in their old age.
Various folk customs and habits practiced in the hometowns of the migrants were brought along with them when they moved abroad.
For example, many women in the coastal villages of China had long been worshipping deities, and commonly sought counsel from the gods and divination. Some of those women who were working abroad would, through qiaopi, ask family elders in their hometown to seek divine counsel on their behalf on matters pertaining to their children.
Ancestor worship was another folk custom practised by people in coastal villages of China. The qiaopi would often indicate that some of the remittance be used for ancestral worship.
After the Chinese migrated abroad, they were influenced by the more advanced standards of education in the new country. In addition, their economic situation was slightly better than the average family back home, which meant they could afford to give their children an education. In the qiaopi, they would often discuss matters relating to education. Some of the amount remitted would also have been set aside for their children’s education, which in turn helped make their families more cultured.
Through qiaopi, the Chinese migrants could receive timely news about their families back home, and even help arrange family matters. This enabled them to “live both abroad and in their hometown at the same time”. Within each qiaopi is the story of a Chinese migrant going abroad to make a living — a piece of history of an ordinary person with no place in the official history.
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Early migrants who came to Nanyang (Southeast Asia) in the 19th century often ended up dying here. Their burial sites and rites were then arranged by fellow clansmen. During the Qing Ming Festival on the 15th day after the spring equinox, usually falling in early April, people would visit gravesites to burn incense and worship their ancestors. This formed the model for Qing Ming rituals in Singapore.
As time went by, the different dialect groups acquired their own burial grounds in Singapore. These included Heng Suah Teng for the Hokkiens; Tai Suah Ting for the Teochews; Peck San Theng for the Cantonese; Yu Shan Ting for the Hainanese; and Shuang Long Shan for the Hakkas, among others. The early Qing Ming ancestor worship rites in Singapore were centred around these burial grounds.
According to the Liji, or Book of Rites, “Ceremonies are of five kinds, and there is none of them more important than sacrifices. Sacrifice is not a thing coming to a man from without; it issues from within him, and has its birth in his heart. When the heart is deeply moved, expression is given to it by ceremonies; and hence, only men of ability and virtue can give complete exhibition to the idea of sacrifice.”1
Worship rites are a crucial aspect of ancestral rituals. During the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties, the decree of “going to the outskirts and visiting ancestral graves” was issued for the Qing Ming Festival, which evolved into one of the most significant traditional ancestor worship festivals for the Chinese.
The significance of ancestor worship and tomb sweeping lies in the cultural values of honouring ancestors and cherishing the past. The customs of Qing Ming ancestor worship can be traced back to the Cold Food Festival, which falls on the day before Qing Ming.
According to Chinese folklore, during the Spring and Autumn Period (770–476 BCE), the nobleman Chong’er from the state of Jin went into exile. When he fainted from hunger, his loyal follower Jie Zitui cut a piece of flesh from his leg and roasted it to feed him. Many years later, Chong’er became Duke Wen of Jin, and wanted to reward Jie Zitui for his loyalty. However, Jie Zitui declined the reward, and, carrying his elderly mother on his back, retreated to the mountains. Duke Wen set the mountain on fire, hoping that Jie Zitui would come out. Tragically, Jie Zitui and his mother were burned alive. Duke Wen then established the day of the fire as the Cold Food Festival, decreeing that only cold and raw food should be eaten on that day as a sign of gratitude and remembrance.
Every Qing Ming Festival, Singapore’s Chinese cemeteries and columbaria buzz with activity. The festival has become a day for Chinese Singaporeans to gather with their families. In the past, people would usually visit gravesites to sweep their ancestors’ tombs. Today, cremation is more common, and people head to the columbarium to pay respects to their ancestors. Singaporeans also have the options of sea burial or scattering the ashes of their loved ones in the Garden of Peace in Choa Chu Kang.
In recent years, the number of Chinese people opting for sea burials has increased — accounting for 10% to 16%.2 The designated sea burial site in Singapore is approximately 2.8km south of Pulau Semakau. However, families of the deceased could also arrange through funeral services and the relevant authorities to perform the sea burial in waters between Singapore’s main island and Pulau Tekong. The ashes are wrapped in white or red cloth, or placed in biodegradable urns, which are released into the sea by family members — often accompanied by a scattering of flowers.
Singapore’s Chinese clan associations continue the tradition of collective ancestor worship, organising spring prayers during the Qing Ming Festival. The Hokkien Huay Kuan holds spring prayers at cemeteries in Mandai and Choa Chu Kang (as the earlier Hokkien burial grounds were relocated to these sites). The worship ceremony is led by the General Affairs Committee of the Hokkien Huay Kuan. It commences with the laying out of sacrifices and offerings, followed by the lighting of incense and candles in worship of Tua Pek Kong and ancestors. The master of ceremonies then delivers an oration in remembrance of the contributions made by the ancestors, and prays for blessings for the nation. After that, the attendees bow in respect before burning joss paper. 3
Cantonese associations such as the Hok San Association, Kong Chow Association, and Sam Sui Association, which have their own lion dance troupes, have also preserved the custom of performing lion dances to pay respect to ancestors for over a century. During the Qing Ming and Chong Yang Festivals, these troupes visited the memorial tomb at the Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng to pay their respects, pioneering the practice of performing lion dance as part of ancestor worship.4
After the ancestor worship ceremony, everyone can partake in the offerings blessed by the ancestors. Such offerings usually comprise the five sacrifices (such as chicken or duck, pig’s head, fish, crab, and cuttlefish), fruits, rice with dishes, and confectionery. Some associations use roast pig as the primary offering. After ancestor worship, they practise the tradition of “Meat Distribution” after the ancestor worship, in which elders distribute portions of the roast pig to everyone. This embodies the ideals of unity and mutual assistance, while also passing down blessings through the generations.
The traditions practised during Qing Ming Festival in Singapore differ according to one’s dialect group. When sweeping tombs, the Teochews placed coloured paper, held down by cockle shells (a nod to the currency of ancient times) on graves to symbolise offering money to their ancestors.5They also practised tomb sweeping during the winter solstice. Similarly, the Hokkiens were known for placing rectangular coloured paper, held down by stones, on graves to show that they had visited to worship their ancestors.6They ate popiah (a crepe-like roll filled with cooked meat and vegetables), and scattered the shells of cockles in front of their ancestors’ graves after eating them.7 Meanwhile, the Cantonese used sugarcane as an offering, symbolising a sweet, harmonious family. When chewing on sugarcane, one must start from the top and finish it to the end, representing the importance of completing tasks from beginning to end, with a good start and a good finish.
The Chong Yang Festival, which falls on the ninth day of the ninth month in the lunar calendar, is similar to Qing Ming. It is a day to remember ancestors and visit their graves for tomb sweeping, and involves a practice known as qiuji or “autumn prayers”. In recent years, there has been a decrease in local observance of the autumn prayers, but some clan associations and community groups still uphold the tradition of honouring ancestors on that day. The spring prayers at Qing Ming Festival and autumn prayers at Chong Yang Festival are important events that have been observed by Chinese Singaporeans to remember the teachings and contributions of their forefathers, as well as show filial piety.
Ini Indexs
Early Chinese immigrants brought Dragon Boat Festival (Duan Wu Festival) celebrations from their hometowns to Singapore. It is now one of the four major Chinese festivals celebrated on the island, along with Chinese New Year, Qing Ming Festival, and the Mid-Autumn Festival. As times changed, the customs of the Dragon Boat Festival were simplified. The practices of wearing fragrant sachets as well as hanging mugwort leaves and calamus on the door to ward off evil spirits and disasters are rarely seen today. The tradition of eating dumplings and racing dragon boats, however, remains.
The origins of the Dragon Boat Festival date back to the Warring States Period in China more than 2,000 years ago. Qu Yuan, a poet and patriot, wrote in The Songs of Chu:
A Cantonese saying goes, “The dragon is in the field during the market period, and on the third and fourth days of the lunar month, the dragon leaps into the abyss.”
Dragon boat races are carried out on the third and fourth days of the fifth lunar month. After the races, the villagers bury the body of the dragon boat in the river, while the dragon’s head and tail are placed in the ancestral hall.
In the regions of Fuzhou and Quanzhou, there is also a tradition of dragon boat racing that dates back about 600 years. In Fuzhou, it is often said: “Since ancient times, dragon boat races have been held during the day, but only in Sanxi do they race at night.” Dragon boat races in Sanxi Village are held at night so that the farmers, who work during the day, can participate in this grand event at night.1
Eating rice dumplings as a family during the Dragon Boat Festival holds significant cultural and historical meaning. Rice dumplings in Singapore come in a variety of flavours, such as traditional Hokkien-style meat dumplings, Guangdong-style savoury meat dumplings, green bean dumplings, and alkaline rice dumplings, all wrapped in bamboo leaves.2
When Singaporeans eat alkaline rice dumplings, they like to dip them in a little sugar or a local coconut jam called kaya to enhance the taste.
Nonya rice dumplings, a local specialty, are sweet and fragrant. The filling is mainly made up of pork, five-spice powder, and candied winter melon. Wrapped in pandan leaves and steamed, they are infused with the aroma of plants.
Traditional rice dumplings are triangular in shape, like a pyramid. The base of Guangdong-style dumplings, on the other hand, are quadripartite-shaped. Some Guangdong-style dumplings are wrapped in lotus leaves, steamed, and elongated in shape, but these have nothing to do with commemorating Qu Yuan.
Some Singaporean Hakka people preserve the tradition of ancestor worship and eating ai ban, a traditional kueh or cake made with mugwort and glutinous rice, during the Dragon Boat Festival. Ai ban is easy to make. Glutinous rice and mugwort are steamed together and can be flavoured with various ingredients according to personal taste. From the perspective of traditional Chinese medicine, mugwort is believed to have cooling and detoxifying properties, so ai ban also aims to enhance health and prevent illness.
Chinese associations in Singapore have been holding Dragon Boat Festival activities for many years. Various clan associations host events such as dragon boat carnivals, rice dumpling tasting gatherings, dumpling wrapping competitions and story-telling events every year. These events provide different avenues for people to learn about the festival.
Singapore held its first dragon boat race in 1978. Since then, dragon boat racing has evolved into an annual event in the country. Participants are typically organised into teams of 12 or 22 members, which include 10 paddlers, one steersman, and one coach, or 20 paddlers, one steersman, and one drummer. Bedok Reservoir, Marina Bay, the Singapore River, and East Coast Park are among the venues that have hosted dragon boat races.
Dragon boat racing has evolved into a water sport that attracts both men and women from various ethnic groups. Students and young people are often seen practising dragon boat racing in places such as Bedok Reservoir, Kallang River, Jurong Lake, and Punggol Reservoir. Through dragon boat racing, participants not only train their physical fitness, but also build their willpower and teamwork.
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It has been said that the first Chinese newspaper in Singapore was Tifang Jih Pao (Local News), published in 1845, followed by Jit Sheng (Rising Sun) in 1858. However, according to research by the academic Chng Khin Yong, there is currently no evidence to support the existence of the former, and the only proof that the latter existed is an advertisement found in the Straits Government Gazette.1 The earliest-known Chinese daily newspaper in Singapore is Lat Pau, which was founded in 1881.
Before World War II, there were about 20 noteworthy Chinese newspapers in Singapore. They can be sorted roughly into three periods based on their historical backgrounds, their founder’s objectives, the editorial policies adopted by chief writers or editors, the focus of their content, and the social functions they served.
As Singapore developed into a shipping hub in the last two decades of the 19th century, Chinese newspapers managed by the local Chinese community started to emerge. This was due to the following combined factors: the dramatic increase of Chinese population, the emergence of wealthy and middle-class Chinese communities, along with a rise in literacy, the influence of local English newspapers, the prevalence of Chinese newspapers from Hong Kong and Shanghai, and a willingness to invest more time and money in cultural pursuits by the population.2
As a result, four Chinese newspapers emerged during this period. They were: Lat Pau (1881–1932), Sing Po (1890–1899), Thien Nan Shin Pao (1898–1905) and Jit Shin Pau (1899–1903). At the time, nationalism that emphasised loyalty to one’s motherland and Confucianism were the mainstream ideologies of the Chinese communities in Singapore and Southeast Asia. These four newspapers had a common goal: promoting Confucianism and nationalism. The three most prominent journalists at the time were Yeh Chih Yun (1859–1921), Lim Boon Keng (1869–1957), and Khoo Seok Wan (1873–1941). They were advocates of nationalism and actively championed the Confucian revival movement throughout their lives.
See Ewe Lay, the founder of Lat Pau, came from a Peranakan family in Malacca. His family had business ties in Xiamen, and their sense of identity was more closely tied to their ancestral homeland in China. Lat Pau’s editor, Yeh, was also a learned writer from China’s Anhui province. The newspaper thus focused on reporting society news in the Nanyang region and political news from China. Its main objective was to advocate for nationalism and Confucianism through its editorials. With the support of the Chinese Consul at that time, Huang Tsun-hsien (1848–1905), Lat Pau also became a platform for Nanyang literature.3 In 1906, the newspaper introduced supplementary pages with content relating to popular culture, including Cantonese folk ballads, humorous pieces, short commentaries, poetry, and essays. These set a precedent for subsequent Chinese newspaper publications in Singapore and Malaya, which also played a role in the promotion of local Chinese literature.
Sing Po, which came later, was published by Koh Yew Hean Press. Its founder, Lin Hengnan (also known as Lim Kong Chuan, 1844–1893), was an immigrant from Kinmen, a group of islands east of Xiamen. At one point, Wong Nai Siong (1849–1924), who had previously passed the imperial examination, served as the newspaper’s chief editor. Sing Po’s efforts in promoting Confucianism were even more prominent than those of Lat Pau.
Born out of the First Sino-Japanese War which took place between 1894 and 1895, Thien Nan Shin Pao and Jit Shin Pau were founded by Khoo Seok Wan and Lim Boon Keng respectively. These two newspapers were the main forums where the nationalist movement was promoted in the late 19th century. Jit Shin Pau also published a series of scientific and educational articles written by famous Western authors, translated and edited by Lim. Special attention was also given to the activities of Chinese Philomathic Society — a group founded by Lim — and the Confucian revival movement.
By 1890, the rapidly-changing situation in China was attracting more and more attention from Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. Khoo, a supporter of the reformist movement, founded Thien Nan Shin Pao (1898–1905) to advance the movement’s ideas. Later, newspapers such as Thoe Lam Jit Poh (1904–1905), The Union Times (1905–1947), Chong Shing Yit Pao (1907–1910), Sun Poo (1908–1910) and Nan Chiau Jit Pao (1911) emerged to support either the royalist camp or the revolutionaries, and competed to influence public opinion.
The original edition of Thoe Lam Jit Poh, the first revolutionary newspaper in Singapore, is now lost. Jointly started by Teo Eng Hock (1872–1959) and Tan Chor Lam (1884–1971), the newspaper ceased publication due to poor sales and depleted funds. In 1907, Teo and Tan made a comeback under the guidance of Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925) and founded Chong Shing Yit Pao to advocate revolutionary ideas and compete with The Union Times, a royalist newspaper. Chong Shing Yit Pao was also the first Chinese newspaper in Singapore to publish political cartoons, which featured anti-Qing sentiments.
After the 1911 Revolution, reformists and revolutionaries also founded newspapers such as Cheng Nam Jit Poh (1913–1920), Kok Min Yit Poh (1914–1919), The Sin Kuo Min Press (1919–1940) and Min Kuo Jih Pao (1930–1935). Edited by Khoo, Cheng Nam Jit Poh supported the military government, led by Duan Qirui (1865–1936) after the death of Yuan Shikai, and opposed Sun and the Kuomintang. On the other hand, The Sin Kuo Min Press, Min Kuo Jih Pao, and Cheng Nam Jit Poh were overseas party newspapers of the Kuomintang. The Sin Kuo Min Press, a continuation of Kok Min Yit Poh, went on to become one of the most influential newspapers in the Nanyang region.
In the period after 1920 and before the fall of Singapore and Malaya, newspapers founded by wealthy Chinese businessmen, such as Nanyang Siang Pau (1923–1941), Sin Chew Jit Poh (1929–1941), and Sin Chung Jit Poh (1935–1941), became the mainstream product in Singapore’s Chinese newspaper industry. These three commercial newspapers were engaged in advocating the war of resistance and national salvation, with a focus on Southeast Asia. Their mutual competition led to the creation of many innovative features, such as free, well-illustrated literary supplements, weekly supplements, themed issues and New Year’s special issues. The Nanyang Yearbook and Sin Chew Jit Poh’s annual publications, as well as literary supplements such as Nanyang Studies and Nanqiao Education, included many historical documents related to Singapore and Malaya.
When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, turbulence in China drove many Chinese intellectuals to Southeast Asia. They eventually joined the Chinese newspaper industry in Singapore, raising the standards of its newspapers. But the outbreak of the Pacific War on 7 December 1941 led to the suspension of Chinese newspapers within the month. The Japanese occupation of Singapore marked the end of an era for an industry that had begun in 1845. After the end of World War II, Chinese newspapers resumed publication, ushering in a new era where they flourished even further.
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Originally created for students in China, pre-war Chinese-medium textbooks had several distinct characteristics. First, they were marked by strong anti-imperialist and xenophobic sentiments. Second, they emphasised patriotism. And finally, they were steeped in Chinese cultural elements. Even the “textbooks suitable for use by overseas Chinese in Nanyang” and Singapore-imprint “Nanyang textbooks” specifically designed for Nanyang overseas Chinese students exhibited these characteristics, with a relatively weak emphasis on local identity.
In the early post-war period, Chinese-medium schools in Malaya (including Singapore) experienced significant growth. Continuing to use pre-war textbooks and instilling the students with a China consciousness would have contradicted the objectives of the new educational policies. To change this trend, it was imperative that Chinese-medium school textbooks be revised.
In 1951, in order to follow through with the Ten-Year Education Plan and the Five-Year Supplementary Education Plan, which were implemented since 1948 to promote English-medium education and control the development of dialect schools, including Chinese schools, the Malayan Federal Government invited Chinese education expert William Fenn (1903–1993) and United Nations official Dr Wu Teh-Yao (1915–1994) to conduct a study on Chinese-medium education in Malaya. This marked the beginning of the Malayanisation of textbooks.
The experts’ report on Chinese Schools and the Education of Chinese Malayans, also known as the Fenn-Wu Report, contained several criticisms of the China-published “textbooks suitable for use by overseas Chinese in Nanyang” and Singapore imprint “Nanyang textbooks” used in Chinese-medium schools in Singapore and Malaya at the time. The report pointed out that the Chinese Language textbooks were not thoroughly revised, which resulted in a lack of harmonisation of Malaya and China content. The history and geography textbooks were heavily focused on China, and the general knowledge textbooks were too ambiguous, lacking cohesion between China and Malaya content. Similarly, the civic education textbooks were weak in local content and lacked emphasis on inter-ethnic cooperation.
The report recommended that the government establish a textbook committee to undertake the revision and writing of Chinese-medium school textbooks. The revised textbooks had to consider Malayanisation as a standard for content.1 During that period, although Singapore and Malaysia were politically separate, they remained interconnected in many ways. Therefore, the concept of Malayanisation applied to Chinese-medium schools in both regions.
One of the distinctive features of Malayanised textbooks was the Malayanisation of the editorial team. In 1952, the United Publishing House was formed by five major publishers in Singapore, and they appointed Dr Zhuang Zexuan (1895–1976), a China educator who was then the principal of Han Chiang High School in Penang, as the chief editor of the textbooks. The editorial team included individuals responsible for the Chinese Language textbooks, such as Yee Soon How (1905–1957), Jin Shi (birth and death years unknown), and others. These editors were Chinese educational professionals, famous cultural figures, or important intellectuals who resided in Malaysia at that time. The textbook editorial committees and proofreaders from other publishers included figures from the literary and educational fields, such as Gwee Yee Hean (1929–2013), Linda Chen Mong Hock (1928–2002), Jing Si, Lie Tjwan Sioe (1914–1998), Chiou Sin Min, Yap Bor Lim, Zhuang Zhiquan, Huang Junxin, and Zheng Xiangdun.2
In 1953, the first set of Malayanised textbooks, the United Publishing House’s edition of Chinese Language (Guoyu), was introduced. Subsequently, until 1956, various Malayanised textbooks were available on the market. Apart from the United Publishing House edition, other publishers released their versions, including the Modern Series from Shanghai Book Company, the World Series from World Book Company, the Chung Hwa–Commercial Series jointly published by The Commercial Press and Chung Hwa Book Company, and the Nanyang Series from Nanyang Book Company. These textbooks covered various subjects, including language, civic education, general knowledge, history, geography, mathematics and the sciences.
Another characteristic of Malayanised textbooks was the localisation of content. The first set of Malayanised textbooks, including the Chinese language, civic education, general knowledge, and other subjects, adhered to the curriculum guidelines and Principles and Key Points for writing Various Subjects for Malayan Chinese Schools issued by the education authorities in Singapore and Malaya. These textbooks emphasised retaining Chinese cultural backgrounds while focusing on Malaya to cultivate a sense of love and attachment to Malaya among students.3
The United Publishing House Series Civic Education textbooks (1954, 1955, 1960) for primary schools were particularly designed to align with the civic conditions and the communal life of various ethnic groups in Malaya as much as possible. The aim was to adapt the content to the local environment and children’s experiences.4 These textbooks primarily covered topics such as the ethnic composition of Malaya, diverse religions, customs, constitution, parliament, administrative divisions, government agencies, community organisations, transportation, police and law enforcement, historical figures, the rights and responsibilities of citizens, and interethnic cooperation. Two-thirds of the content was localised, reflecting the distinct characteristics of Malaya.
In December 1956, the education authorities in Singapore and Malaya took separate paths, and the Singapore Ministry of Education reorganised the Chinese School Textbook Committee and revised the curriculum standards for Chinese-medium schools, extending them from primary to secondary education. From 1961 onwards, Chinese textbooks in Singapore’s primary and secondary schools had to be written in accordance with the Standard Curriculum for Primary and Secondary Schools, revised in 1961 and 1963. This further emphasised the localisation of content and loyalty to place of residence.
For example, the Chinese Language Textbook for Singapore Primary Schools, published by the Educational Suppliers Cooperative Limited (1961, 1963), was written in accordance with the curriculum standards for Chinese primary schools implemented in the self-governing state of Singapore in 1961. The main purpose of these textbooks was “to meet the needs of the nation’s education, guide the children to develop a noble character, instil a sense of national consciousness, and promote the spirit of harmony, cooperation, and love for the country among the various ethnic groups in the country”.5
This entire set of textbooks focused on the society of Singapore and Malaya, describing or depicting the landscapes, cultural heritage, and customs of Malaya. The illustrations in the textbooks featured individuals from various ethnic groups, including the Chinese, Malay, and Indian communities, reflecting the spirit of unity and cooperation among these ethnic groups. The Malayanised content of the geography and history textbooks was especially rich and specific.
In August 1965, Singapore separated from Malaysia to become an independent nation. Educational Suppliers Cooperative Limited took the lead in 1967, introducing a revised edition of Chinese Language textbooks. This revision further transformed content with a Malayan perspective into Singaporeanised content.
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Singapore’s early Chinese immigrants would typically send a remittance — accompanied by a letter, known as qiaopi — to their family members back home. The qiaopi and remittance trade established an important network which connected overseas Chinese with their families back home, enabling the maintenance of kinship across the oceans. In the 19th century, the demand for sending remittance-mail was on the rise, as a large number of people from Southern China had migrated to Southeast Asia. This led to the emergence of qiaopi couriers, known as shuike (literally “water guests”), who specialised in delivering qiaopi for Chinese immigrants. There were about 200 of them in Singapore by 1849. Some reputable businessmen with available funds also started setting up remittance letter firms, or qiaopiju, in the 1830s. After developing for more than a century, the qiaopi trade only began to decline in the late 1970s due to changes in policy and the economic environment.
At the beginning, qiaopi were mainly delivered by Chinese individuals, usually a shuike, who frequently travelled between the immigrants’ countries of residence and their hometowns. As the number of immigrants grew, the demand for such services increased, and some Chinese retail businesses got into the qiaopi and remittance trade as well. Most of these stores operated such a trade on top of existing businesses, which included bakeries, medicinal halls, printing houses, and even tea shops run by Hokkien tea merchants. By doing so, these qiaopi and remittance traders had not only formed a qiaopi network, but also turned it into a commercial network for their original businesses. After collecting remittances from their Chinese immigrant customers, some of the traders would use the funds to purchase goods to ship to China, and then deliver the money to the receiving families after selling the goods. This practice offered more profits than solely providing remittance services.
It was clear that the qiaopi and remittance business was community-based, as members of a particular community would choose to send their letters and remittances through firms established by those from the same community. For example, the Hainanese would engage firms managed by fellow Hainanese. On the one hand, this was based on the trust in one’s fellow clansmen, and on the other, it was simply more convenient to communicate in the same dialect. One could even ask the staff — who would also be from the same community — to pen letters on their behalf.
According to existing records, 42 qiaopiju of different scales were operated by various factions of the Hokkien community in Singapore by 1937. More than 50 had been established by the Teochew community in the 1920s and 30s, and more than 40 were run by Hainanese immigrants during World War I. Most of these firms were characterised by diversified businesses and cross-regional operations, and they covered areas such as tea, paper, plastics, groceries, liquor, hardware, medicinal herbs, tobacco, printing, confectionery, general merchandise, and the import and export of indigenous products.
Located at the southern end of the Southeast Asian region and entrance of the Strait of Malacca, Singapore’s unique geographical location as an island surrounded by the sea has made it an important transportation and commercial hub, as well as a transit point of the qiaopi and remittance network in Southeast Asia. In the early 20th century, the island had around 200 qiaopiju — this was not only the highest number among Southeast Asian countries, but also exceeded the combined total of all of those countries.
As a transit point, most of the letters and remittances from Southeast Asia would converge in the qiaopiju of Singapore before they were sent to the senders’ hometowns in China. In the late 1940s, Singapore handled nearly 18% of the qiaopi industry’s business. At that time, most of the qiaopiju were run by Chinese immigrants in Southeast Asia had branches in Singapore, Hong Kong, and their hometowns. While each of these firms was likely community-based, the collective network they formed spanned and connected a large number of villages and remote areas, ensuring that overseas Chinese remained in touch with their families back home.
All in all, the qiaopi trade network was a trans-regional network that had flourished for close to two centuries, encompassing economic and trade activities with profound social and cultural implications. It maintained connections between Chinese immigrants to the Southeast Asian (with Singapore as a hub) and China, their ancestral homeland, allowing them to sustain emotional and economic ties with the families they had parted with.
Ini Indexs
On 9 August 1965, Singapore separated from Malaysia to form the Republic of Singapore. As a part of nation-building, Singapore needed a pool of technologically skilled individuals to contribute to its economic development and industrialisation. It also needed to cultivate a new generation of citizens with a sense of national identity.
For the former, the government actively promoted English-based technical education to train the required talents. For the latter, it formulated a standard curriculum that was used across the four language streams of education and also revised outdated textbooks. This was to instil a Singaporean consciousness and mould a generation of “new” Singaporeans.
In 1969, the local education community organised a four-day seminar on civics education to discuss the significance of civics training in nation-building. The seminar report pointed out that a sense of patriotism was based on an understanding of the relationship between an individual and the nation. As an immigrant society, the people of Singapore came from diverse cultural backgrounds and had different lifestyles. For them to live together in peace and harmony, it was necessary to foster mutual understanding and develop a common sense of identity.1
Implementing a common civics curriculum thus became a top priority for school education as a vital part of nation-building. The Ministry of Education had already issued a set of standard curriculum for civics education that was applicable from primary to pre-university levels in 1967.2 The following year, the World Book Company and Singapore Cultural Enterprises Private Limited each published a set of textbooks for primary schools, and both were titled The Citizen. The Educational Publications Bureau also published four volumes of Civics Education for Secondary Schools for Chinese schools and four volumes of Outline of Civics Education for Secondary Schools for English schools in 1969, followed by two volumes of Civics Education for Pre-University Students in 1970.
In a gradual and progressive manner, the term “patriotism” was used throughout the entire range of textbooks to develop students’ understanding of Singapore’s national symbols (such as the coat of arms, flag, anthem, and pledge); the nation’s state of affairs, political ideologies and systems; and its neighbouring countries and the world. The aim was to build a new Singaporean identity and foster patriotism.
In 1971, the Ministry of Education revised the curriculum and teaching guidelines for civics education. It later set up a standing committee, which was in charge of compiling a series of Education for Living textbooks to combine the teaching of civics, history, and geography in primary schools. This marked the beginning of the involvement of government officials in compiling textbooks for primary and secondary education. The Ministry of Education then replaced Education for Living with a Moral Education programme in 1980, incorporating stories of patriotic and self-sacrificing figures from foreign history, such as China’s Yue Fei, in the texts.3
To localise history, geography, and Chinese-language textbooks, the Ministry of Education standardised their ideological content through measures such as issuing standard syllabuses (or curriculum outlines), setting stringent evaluation processes for the books, and revising examination syllabuses. All textbooks were required to issue new editions written in accordance with the ministry’s curriculum standards, or to make revisions to previous versions, before the ministry would approve their use in local Chinese schools.
Taking Chinese-language textbooks as an example, the Ministry of Education issued a standard syllabus for Chinese language in 1959, marking the start of localised curriculum standards for Chinese language in Chinese schools. This was later modified and presented as “Syllabus Outline for Chinese School Secondary Four Examination, 1969 & 1970” and “Syllabus Outline for Chinese School Senior Middle School-Leaving Examination, 1969 & 1970” in 1968.
The ministry subsequently approved several Chinese textbooks for use in Chinese schools, including the ones published by Chung Hwa Book Company, Educational Publications Bureau, Singapore Cultural Enterprises Private Limited, and Educational Suppliers Cooperative Limited. According to a comparative study conducted by Chinese-language teacher Yeong Pei Lien, the content of these various versions was largely similar even though they had been put together by different people.4 This was because the textbooks were compiled according to the same curriculum guidelines, which stipulated that all texts selected should adhere to criteria such as being in line with the founding spirit of the country; promoting mutual understanding and cooperation among the various ethnic groups; narrating or describing scenic spots, cultural relics, and customs of Singapore and Malaysia; and featuring accounts of and works related to Southeast Asia.
Traditional Chinese schools were the primary market for Chinese textbooks. Before 1987, Chinese was the teaching language used in these schools. Apart from English and Malay-language classes, all other subjects were taught in Chinese, including literature, history, geography, civics education, science, mathematics, physical education, music, and Chinese language. The textbooks were also written in Chinese.
In 1979, the Singapore government unified the four language streams and made English the first language in schools nationwide, with mother tongue offered as a second language. The Ministry of Education then gradually converted non-English classes in Chinese schools to English classes in 1984. By 1987, bilingual education was fully implemented in all primary and secondary schools, with English as the main teaching language while mother tongues were taught as individual subjects.
With that, “Chinese education” in Singapore had been officially transformed into “Chinese-language teaching.” Chinese schools had become a thing of the past, while old Chinese textbooks became documents that individuals or libraries kept as treasured collections. Besides being valuable cultural heritage, these books are also important research resources that can help us understand what our Chinese forefathers had learnt, thought, and done during the various periods between the founding of modern Singapore and its independence.
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The national flag was an important topic in language textbooks, as the instilling of nationalistic concepts and a sense of loyalty began with education. While Singapore’s Chinese-medium schools were around for just over a hundred years, the national flags in their textbooks are a testament to the island’s four stages of political transformation: colonisation, self-governance, merger, and independence.
When Singapore was still ruled by the British, Chinese-medium schools had no place in the education system. At the beginning, the British government left them to fend for themselves. The Republican government in control of China at that time could still send officials from its education ministry to inspect and guide Chinese schools in Singapore and Malaya. Chinese schools in Singapore used textbooks published in China, with content that instilled a sense of identification with the Republic of China. A prime example was “Guoqi ge” (The Flag Song) in Volume Three of Guoyu jiaokeshu (Textbook of Chinese): “The national flag flies, the blue sky is high, the sun is bright, and a red glow fills the land. The national flag soars, the blue sky(qingtian) is endless, the sun is at its highest, and a red glow (bairi) fills the land. The national flag is beautiful, blue sky, bright sun, with red all around. Oh flag that I love I salute you with bow.” This was a political oath to the Republic of China’s flag, which was “blue sky, bright sun, with red all around” (qingtian bairi mandi hong).
The above-mentioned texts championing loyalty to the Republic of China caught the attention of the colonial authorities in the 1930s, and they began to ban textbooks that did not serve the interests of the British. Responding to criticism from the colonial government, the publishing house added the chapter, “The Flag of the United Kingdom”, to the same textbook. It introduced the flag of the colonial masters in a song: “The British flag is so beautiful, with two crosses crossed set against a blue background. England, Scotland and Ireland united and never to separate.” The introduction of the Union Jack nominally balanced out the one-sided emphasis on Chinese political identity in the textbook.
Ten years after the end of World War II, despite the anti-colonial atmosphere, Singapore and Malaya still had not gained independence. Their identification with “the land of Malaya”, however, grew increasingly intense. This was reflected in Chinese school textbooks. Singing the praises of Malaya was a new trend, and the earlier-taught concepts of Nanyang, as well as the China political overtones in the original textbooks, quickly faded. Concepts of Chinese cultural identity (zhonghua wenhua rentong) replaced Chinese political identity towards China. The chapter “Women ai malaiya” (We Love Malaya) in Volume Two of Xiandai guoyu duben (Modern Series Textbook: Chinese Language), published by the Shanghai Book Company in 1955 for high school students, highlighted the affection Chinese immigrants had for Malaya during the anti-colonial period.
In 1957, the Malay peninsula achieved independence and formed the Federation of Malaya. Singapore would still belong to the British for another two years. In 1959, the British finally agreed to Singapore becoming a self-governing state. Chinese school textbooks were then updated to include the Singapore state flag and state anthem to the entire cohort of students. In the first volume of the 1961 textbook Xinghua wenxuan (Selected Chinese Works of Singapore), the chapter “Xinjiapo de bangqi he banghui” (State Flag and State Emblem of Singapore) conveyed the concept of a self-governing state. In “Bangqisong” (Ode to the State Flag), included in the second volume of the teaching resource of Huayu (The Chinese Language) for Primary Five learners, its lyrics “The red and white state flag flies in the sky, with a crescent moon arising amidst the red accompanied by five stars”, was a sign of the fading presence of the national flag of the Republic of China, which had been flying in Chinese school textbooks for nearly half a century by then.
In 1963, just four years after Singapore became a self-governing state, Singapore and Malaya were again reshaped by political shifts. Malaysia was established, and Singapore joined the newly-formed political entity that comprised Malaya, Sarawak and Sabah. Against these developments, textbooks were quickly updated to reflect the new political landscape.
However, two years later, just as Singaporeans were still familiarising themselves with the Malaysian flag, the political tides turned. Singapore separated from Malaysia to become an independent republic. The developments happened so quickly that there was no time to revise the textbooks. Teachers resorted to getting students to pencil the word “Singapore” over the word “Malaysia” wherever it was found in the textbooks.
Post-independence, the concept of national identity was a major theme in Chinese textbooks, especially in primary school. The number of chapters focusing on national education expanded significantly, more so than in the earlier periods. Beyond introducing the national flag, teachings aimed at cultivating national consciousness increased significantly, covering topics such as reciting the Pledge, National Service, racial harmony and others.
The development of Chinese school textbooks reflects Singapore’s political evolution through history, from colonisation to self-governance, and merger to independence. These textbooks documented the four important stages of Singapore’s political development in a far more pronounced manner than English textbooks at the time.
Ini Indexs
Singapore’s multiethnic society has given rise to a complex, diverse linguistic environment. While English serves as the country’s official administrative language, there are three official mother tongues — Malay for the Malay community, Mandarin for the Chinese community, and Tamil for the Indian community.
Other languages or dialects are also spoken within these communities, making the development of local languages even more intricate. For example, within the Malay community, besides Malay, some individuals also speak Javanese and Boyani. In the Chinese community, there are speakers of Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainanese, Hakka, and other dialects. The Indian community also has speakers of Punjabi, Hindustani, and Bengali, among others.1
During the British colonial period, English was Singapore’s administrative language. Legislation, administration, announcements, documents, and other government-related matters were conducted in English. However, the colonial government adopted an open, tolerant attitude towards the languages used by different ethnic groups, allowing them to develop independently with minimal interference. As a result, there were various schools catering to different language streams, such as Malay-language schools, Chinese-language schools, Tamil-language schools, which continued for years.
In the 1950s, due to political considerations and the pursuit of a merger with the Federation of Malaya, the government implemented a multilingual policy that positioned Malay as the national language. Singapore’s founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (1923–2015) remarked, “The first political reality we had to deal with was the Federation of Malaya. Its constitution recognised Malay as the national language and the sole official language. Because I wanted Singapore to become part of the Federation, our education policy had to be mindful of this reality. We had to make Malay our national language too.”2 He further emphasised, “while all should learn the national language, other races should have the freedom to study and use their own languages.”3
Singapore gained independence on 9 August 1965. The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore explicitly states the provisions regarding official languages and the national language. Malay, Mandarin, Tamil, and English are the four official languages in Singapore, with Malay also being the national language. From a legal perspective, this ensures the official, legitimate status of the languages of the major ethnic groups. Singapore became the first country, outside of regions with written Chinese and spoken Mandarin as the predominant medium (such as China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau) to elevate Mandarin to constitutional status as one of the official languages.
Certainly, the languages and dialects in Singapore have long been in a dynamic state of change. Before and during the early years of nationhood, there was linguistic diversity and complexity, with various dialects and accents within the same language. National language policies and planning have affected the mother tongue of the Chinese community since the country’s independence, especially with the Speak Mandarin Campaign that was launched in 1979. Chinese dialects have gradually declined, and Mandarin has become the predominant means of communication within the Chinese community.
The term huayu (Mandarin) has been the subject of some debate. However, many people find it an acceptable term for “the common language used by overseas Chinese”, distinct from the Standard Mandarin spoken in China. This is particularly accepted in regions like Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and other parts of Nanyang (Southeast Asia), where people are accustomed to using a form of Mandarin that is linguistically close to Standard Mandarin, whereby pronunciation is guided by hanyu pinyin. The Mandarin commonly used in Singapore serves not only as the primary means of communication among the Chinese community, but also as the standard language used in Chinese radio, television, newspapers, and mother-tongue language education in schools.
Mandarin has developed in Singapore over more than a hundred years. In the 1957 population census, only 0.1%4 of the Chinese population claimed Mandarin as their mother tongue, and 26.7% claimed to be able to speak Mandarin. However, since the government initiated the Speak Mandarin Campaign in September 1979, which advocated the use of Mandarin and the reduced use of dialects, Mandarin has seen widespread adoption. In the year 2000, the proportion of Chinese households where Mandarin was the language most frequently spoken at home was 45.1%. This increased to 47.7% in 2010. Although there is a slight decline in the usage of Mandarin since 2020, with English becoming more prevalent, it still remains at 40.2%.5
The standardisation of Mandarin in Singapore is largely aligned with the standards and norms of Standard Mandarin in China. The phonetic systems, including initial consonants, finals, and tones, closely resemble those of Standard Mandarin. The lexicon shares similarities with Standard Mandarin, although there are variations in everyday vocabulary. Differences may arise in political terminology due to the two regions’ distinct political systems.
Local Mandarin in Singapore has also incorporated expressions from other dialects. Most Chinese people in Singapore are descendants of immigrants who arrived during the Qing dynasty and Republican era from coastal provinces in southern China such as Fujian, Guangdong, and Hainan, and naturally brought their respective dialects along with them. These dialects have influenced the pronunciation, vocabulary, grammar, and colloquial expressions of Mandarin in Singapore.
Singapore Mandarin is also influenced by other languages, especially Malay and English. Over time, some Malay words have been incorporated into Mandarin, such as basha (pasar), which means market, and ganbang (kampung), which means village. In Singapore, a former British colony, some English words and concepts have also been absorbed into Mandarin — such as andi (auntie) and qianluo (money mule).
Singapore Mandarin is not equivalent to China’s Standard Mandarin. Strictly speaking, it is a regional variant of Standard Mandarin.
Describing the characteristics of a language involves both its inherent features and distinctions observed in comparison with other languages. Based on the observations of scholars, here are some key features of local Mandarin in Singapore.
When Mandarin is spoken in Singapore, people have the tendency to not use neutral tones (literally “light tone”, which means the second syllable is pronounced in a lighter tone than the first syllable) and erhua (the addition of the “r” sound to the end of certain words). Most words that would typically have neutral tones in Standard Mandarin are pronounced without them in Singapore. For example, dàfāng (generous), cōngmíng (clever), bàbà (father), māmā (mother), nǎodaì (brain). The erhua of Standard Mandarin pronunciations such as wánr (play), càihuār (cauliflower), bànr (half side of something), and bǐjiānr (the nip), is often simplified, and the retroflex ending is omitted. Additionally, consonants found at the start of syllables in Standard Mandarin (such as “zh”, “ch”, “sh”, and “r”) are pronounced with less retroflexion in Singapore. Some vowel sounds are also conflated, such as the merger of “en” and “eng”, or “in” and “ing”.
In terms of vocabulary, Singapore Mandarin preserves some words from Southern Chinese dialects, such as toujia (towkay), jiaotou (corner), pashu (kiasu, or fear of losing), yilu lai (all the way, continuously), wulong (mistake), jiasi (furniture), jitongyajiang (inability to communicate effectively, literally “like a chicken speaking to a duck”). Additionally, Singapore Mandarin has incorporated some English words, such as guben (coupon, parking ticket/voucher) and luoli (lorry, truck).
As for grammar, many expressions in Singapore Mandarin are influenced by Hokkien and Cantonese. For example, the term 粒 (lì) is used for both small, round objects, such as yi li mi (one grain of rice), and large, round objects, such as yi li xi gua (one watermelon). Some expressions exhibit overlapping forms, such as si qiao qiao (describing someone who has died completely) and kou hua hua (sweet-talking, using flowery speech).
Additionally, there are other colloquial phrases and specific expressions that originate from other dialects. An example is mei yu xia ye hao, which literally means “having shrimp is better than having no fish”. This phrase is used to express that having something is better than nothing. Kou shui duo guo cha, which literally means “more saliva than tea”, is used to describe someone who talks a lot but lacks substance, or who engages in empty talk.
In summary, Singapore Mandarin is a unique linguistic variant that maintains consistency with Standard Mandarin while incorporating characteristics from various Chinese dialects. It is a dynamic language that reflects the multicultural nature of Singapore.