Ini Indexs
Born in Fuzhou, China, Yeh Chi Wei (1913–1981) spent his childhood in Sibu, Sarawak, where his family made a living by clearing forests to grow rubber trees and various crops. In 1925, Yeh returned to Fuzhou to further his studies. Due to his strong interest in art, Yeh eventually enrolled to study Western painting at Xinhua Academy of Fine Arts in Shanghai, despite his father’s objections. After graduating in 1936, Yeh left for Singapore at the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War. After getting married and starting a family, Yeh worked as an art teacher in various schools in Sibu, Malaya and Singapore, and eventually settled down with his family in Singapore.
Yeh was a significant figure in Singapore’s 20th century modern art scene. First, he was an important art educator who formed part of the early cohort of professionally-trained artists who taught art to many young students in Singapore and Malaya from the early to mid-20th-century. Yeh’s impact was felt especially during his tenure at Chung Cheng High School in Singapore in the 1950s and 1960s. His former students recalled that he was a stern teacher with high standards. To encourage talented students who were keen to further their interest in art, Yeh helped set up the Chung Cheng High School Art Society in 1953, which organised regular art competitions and annual art exhibitions.
Second, Yeh was acknowledged as an influential leader of an informal collective of local artists known as the Ten Men Group. In the 1960s, this group made frequent trips to Southeast Asian countries and organised group exhibitions after their trips. Many of them were drawn to the local cultures of the countries they visited, which later became subjects of their paintings. At the time, it was unprecedented in Malaya for a large group of artists to organise themselves for overseas trips and then hold a thematic exhibition after each trip. It was even more remarkable that they did so over a sustained period, organising six trips and five exhibitions in less than a decade.1 The scale and sustained regularity of these trips and exhibitions was noteworthy, considering that travel was still a luxury in those days for most people, and considerable resources were needed to organise art exhibitions. Through his leadership of the Ten Men Group, Yeh went on to establish the Southeast Asian Art Association in 1970 (which, in itself, was also pioneering for its regionalist agenda) and was its founding president from its inception to 1977. This achievement placed Yeh among a select group of artists who had helped to found major art societies in Singapore. These included Liu Kang (Singapore Art Society in 1949) and Chen Chong Swee (Singapore Watercolour Society in 1969).
Third, Yeh was part of a special generation of China-born artists who shared a common historical background. Familiar with both Chinese and Western art, many artists of the period sought to integrate Western and Chinese art traditions in their practice. For those who later left China around the mid-20th century and found a safe haven in Singapore, they continued to pursue their artistic interests and eventually spearheaded modern art developments in their new home. Initially preferring to paint in a naturalistic mode due to his academic training, Yeh’s style changed in the 1960s. The Ten Men Group trips exposed him to different cultures and provided much stimulus in terms of subject matter, techniques and approaches. The trips also fostered his close friendships with like-minded local artists with whom he spent many hours painting together and discussing art. Yeh also started reading more about modern art developments, which revised his initial distaste for abstract art. Within this creative ferment, Yeh developed a distinctive body of semi-abstract oil paintings which incorporated his deep knowledge of Chinese art, and keen sensibilities to Southeast Asian cultures.
Yeh’s strong affinity for the region was reflected in his many paintings of Southeast Asian themes, particularly the indigenous communities of Borneo.1This was unsurprising as he had spent his early childhood in Sarawak, living close to nature. Later, as an adult in modern Singapore, he saw benefits in leaving behind the urban pressures of city life to seek the regenerative qualities of nature during the Ten Men trips. Hence, rather than being seen as backward or uncivilised, the simple ways of life of the Dayaks and Ibans and their closeness to nature were qualities that very much resonated with him. Yeh was also drawn to Southeast Asian material culture. Indigenous textiles and wooden carvings purchased by Yeh during his trips informed how he eventually stylised the figures in his paintings. Patterns on local textiles or carvings were also incorporated as motifs within his artworks. For instance, after his 1962 Indonesian trip, Yeh was inspired by Javanese batik, and began to “cover the entire canvas with flat colours” and “lay out decorative-looking images by means of simple colour tones and pattern-like lines.”3 This is reflected in works like Boats in Bali with their use of white negative outlines and flat colours, usually associated with traditional Indonesian textiles such as batik and ikat.4 These works are also distinguished by their long narrow compositions, which could have been inspired by the format of traditional textiles, or the artist’s familiarity with the hanging and handscroll tradition of Chinese painting.5
After Yeh’s trip to Thailand and Cambodia in 1963, his works changed again. To convey the solemnity of the ancient stone monuments he encountered, Yeh turned to his long-standing interest in Chinese calligraphy, in particular ink rubbings. In China, rubbings have traditionally been used to reproduce inscriptions or images carved onto hard substances like bone, bronze or stone. To make rubbings, a sheet of moistened paper is laid across the inscribed surface and pressed into all recessed areas with a brush. When the paper has nearly dried, its surface is pounded with an inked pad. This produces white characters or images on a black background because black ink does not touch parts of the paper that were earlier pressed into the carved inscription. Multiple copies may be made with this method. As rubbings were commonly used by calligraphers to study different ancient styles, Yeh had collected rubbings of oracle bone scripts, Western Zhou period bronze inscriptions and Han dynasty stelae carvings. These rubbings appealed to him for various reasons. Firstly, he was impressed by the sense of strength and weight of the inscriptions. Originally carved or cast on hard substances like stone or metal, these inscriptions did not have the lightness or fluidity of brush-written characters. Moreover, rubbings, being direct impressions of ancient inscriptions, were often seen as a tangible and authentic link to the past. Lastly, archaic writing on oracle bones and bronze vessels, were created mainly for ritual purposes, and hence, laden with historical, if not spiritual, associations. Therefore, Yeh might have felt that such qualities of gravity, antiquity, authenticity and ritualism were ideally suited to capture the majesty of the ancient monuments and rustic charms of Southeast Asia. On that basis, Yeh incorporated certain visual aspects of ink rubbings into his artworks. Black became a predominant colour in many of his oil paintings. His painted forms were often finished with softly blurred edges or framed within irregular outlines. These recalled the ravages of time seen on ink rubbings of ancient inscriptions. This is because such inscribed characters tended to lose their sharp edges due to damage or erosion over the centuries, and these imperfections were replicated whenever rubbings were made of such inscriptions.
In some works, Yeh even included archaic-style inscriptions (using a mixture of oracle bone and seal scripts) rendered in white against a dark background, akin to characters found in ink rubbings. The use of archaic scripts imparted a jinshi (meaning “metal and stone” refers to inscriptions on metal such as bronze vessels, and stone such as stelae metal and stone) flavour to his paintings. This was a style preferred by many early 20th century calligraphers and painters such as See Hiang To (1906–1990), Tsue Ta Tee (1904–1975), Reverend Song Nian (1911–1997), Chang Shou She (1898–1969) and Chan Tan-Nung (1903–1975). They admired the sense of strength and forcefulness found in inscriptions on ancient bronzes and stone stelae, and sought to convey a similarly rough-hewn aesthetic in their own practice.6 The jinshi taste was likely also the reason why Yeh preferred to use a palette knife. Unlike a brush used for smoothing out brushstrokes and executing fine details, a palette knife created angular strokes and left behind streaks of paint of varying thicknesses which could better convey the rustic simplicity sought by Yeh.
Despite his impact as an arts educator and leader, and the acclaim accorded to his works in the 1960s and early 1970s, Yeh faded out of the art scene in the late 1970s to live in Malaysia, and died in 1981 in relative obscurity. In recent years, his artistic achievements have started to regain attention, notably with a survey exhibition organised by the National Art Gallery Singapore in 2010.
Ini Indexs
Singapore Chinese literature is well-regarded in Southeast Asia, and is the only Chinese literature in the region to be regarded as a form of national literature.
Since Singapore gained independence in 1965, Singapore Chinese literature has gradually been included in the official school curriculum. In the Chinese Studies departments in national universities, literature from Singapore and Malaysia has also become a subject of instruction and research for degree theses.
There are several prestigious awards that recognise the achievements of Singapore’s Chinese writers. These include the Singapore Literature Prize, as well as the country’s highest accolade for the arts, the Cultural Medallion.
Chinese writers awarded the Cultural Medallion include Wong Meng Voon, Wong Yoon Wah, Zhou Can (Chew Kok Chang), Dan Ying (Lew Poo Chan), Yeng Pway Ngon, Xi Ni’er (Chia Hwee Pheng), You Jin (Tham Yew Chin), Lin Gao (Lim Hung Chang), and Chia Joo Ming.
The S.E.A. Write Award, the ASEAN Cultural Prize for Literature, and the University of Iowa’s International Writing Program are also open to Singapore Chinese writers.
In the 1980s, literary collections featuring translations of texts from different languages began to emerge in Singapore, for example the Anthology of ASEAN Literatures and Rhythms: A Singapore Millennial Anthology of Poetry (see “Further resources”). The terms used in the titles of such collections — such as “Singapore”, “Memories and Desires”, “Journeys”, “Home” and “Nation” — reflected efforts to gather stories about the nation. Many works of Chinese literature were included in important anthologies representing the country’s four major languages. The editors of these collections also were often writers in those four major languages, highlighting their multicultural spirit.
Many of these anthologies included English, Malay, Chinese, and Tamil pieces. Quite a few featured English translations too. With themes ranging from self-exile to the embrace of Singapore soil, they spanned from the immigration period to independence. Identifying with Singapore was the main focus of these narratives. In Rhythms: A Singapore Millennial Anthology of Poetry (2000), each poem is accompanied by translations in the other three official languages, allowing the various ethnicities can connect with the poems regardless of what language they were written in.
In August 1988, the Singapore Association of Writers and the Goethe-Institut organised an international conference in Singapore, with Southeast Asian Chinese literature as the main theme. Moderator Chow Tse-tsung (1916–2007) pointed out that the development of Chinese literature outside of China would inevitably result in the characteristic of a “double tradition”. At the same time, there was a need to establish the concept of “multiple literary centres” to understand the characteristics and significance of Chinese literature outside of China.
Southeast Asian Chinese literature cannot separate itself entirely from the literary tradition that originated in China from pre-Qin times (before 221 BCE). However, when overseas Chinese incorporate their experiences of local life and other literary traditions into their writing, a “native literary tradition” naturally emerges. Singapore Chinese literature has been integrating the Chinese literary tradition with the local literary tradition.
After World War II, more Chinese writers in Singapore and Malaya began to transition towards an increasingly local flavour in their writing, achieving breakthroughs in their language, local ideas, and literary imagination.1 Discussions of Singapore Chinese literature have explored this shift from huaqiao literature (also known as qiaomin wenxue or “overseas compatriot literature”) to Nanyang literature, mahua literature (Malaysian Chinese literature), and Singapore literature.2
Take, for example, local poet Lei Sanche’s “The Iron Ship’s Legs are Lame” (1937); Chinese novelist Lao She’s (1899–1966) Xiaopo’s Birthday (1934); and Malayan writer Lu Po-yeh’s (1923–1961) Singaporean Sketches (1953) and Malayan Sketches (1954). Their themes and narratives extensively absorbed elements and traditions from Malay and Indonesian literature.
Singapore and Malaysia have established their own Chinese literary traditions, and can be regarded as centres of Chinese literature. Indeed, they should no longer be considered “peripheral literature” or “offshoots” of China’s literature.3
Ini Indexs
The overseas Chinese placed great value in education, and the leaders of the Hokkien community of Singapore were no exception. In 1829, 10 years after the founding of modern Singapore, missionary Claudius Henry Thomsen (1782–1835) documented three Chinese private schools on the island, one of which was located on Pekin Street and ran lessons in the Hokkien dialect for 22 students. Two works written during the Daoguang era — Treatise on Britain (1832) by Xiao Lingyu (1789–unknown) and The Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms (1847–1848) by Wei Yuan (1794–1857) — mentioned American Mission Press, a publishing arm and school of American mission in Singapore where Americans learnt Chinese from Hokkien and Cantonese tutors. There were also several private schools that taught in Hokkien and Cantonese.
Nevertheless, Singapore was still lacking in formal Chinese educational institutions at the time. It was not until the mid-19th century, when Tan Kim Seng (1805–1864) founded Chong Wen Ge (1849–) and Chui Eng Free School (Chui Eng Si E, 1854–1954), that schools catering to various dialect groups started to become commonplace.
Tan, a Malaccan-born leader of the Hokkien community with ancestral roots in Yongchun, Fujian, established Chong Wen Ge in 1849, the 29th year of the Qing dynasty’s Daoguang era, and it is known as Singapore’s first Hokkien free school.1 He set an example by making a generous donation of 880 Straits dollars.2 Many local Hokkien merchants, such as Hong Juncheng, Huang Chongwen, Cheong Sam Teo (1805–1862), Chan Koo Chan, and Xu Simian,3 made substantial donations too, and a total of 7,504 Straits dollars was raised for the school in Telok Ayer Street.
Later, when Tan started Chui Eng Free School, he led by example once again and donated a piece of land worth 1,710 Straits dollars in nearby Amoy Street as the site of the new school. He was supported by 12 other wealthy Hokkien merchants who contributed a total of 6,345 Straits dollars in construction funds. On top of that, Tan raised an additional 3,848 Straits dollars from other Hokkien merchants and businesses to cover the school’s operating costs.
The new free school quickly became a prominent Chinese educational institution. J. D. Vaughan (1825–1891), a British expert on Chinese affairs, noted in the 1870s that Chui Eng Free School had 100 students attending classes every day, as well as two teachers. The school, which was managed by the Hokkien community, appointed officials to regularly inspect the performance of its students and teachers. The results of its annual examinations were published in local Chinese newspapers. The Qing dynasty’s Consul-General in the Straits Settlements was also invited to appraise the student’s examination results. In 1892, that official was none other than the renowned Qing poet Huang Zunxian (1848–1905).
As demonstrated by Chong Wen Ge and Chui Eng Free School, the early Hokkien free schools in Singapore were able to maintain high academic standards due to the support and supervision of the Hokkien community. The involvement of the Chinese newspapers and Consul-Generals of the Qing dynasty also motivated students to excel academically.
In 1899, Singapore Chinese Girls’ School — the first Chinese girls’ school on the island — opened its doors in Hill Street, near present-day City Hall. It was founded by doctor Lim Boon Keng (1869–1957), who donated land for the school; lawyer Song Ong Siang (1871–1941); and scholar Khoo Seok Wan (1874–1941). Lim’s wife, Margaret Wong (1874–1905), taught at the school.
Prominent businessman Tan Kah Kee (1874–1961) was another leader of the Hokkien community who devoted himself to educational causes. He founded Tao Nan School in 1906, Ai Tong School in 1912, Chong Fook Girls’ School (now Chongfu School) in 1915, and Nan Chiau Girls’ School (now Nan Chiau High School) in 1947. In 1919, he led the founding of The Chinese High School (now Hwa Chong Institution), the first Chinese secondary school in Singapore.
Besides contributions to Chinese education, Singapore’s Hokkien pioneers made significant contributions to English education on the island. Cheang Hong Lim (1825–1893), for example, founded Cheang Wan Seng School in 1875 to teach English to underprivileged children for free. Tan Kah Kee also supported English schools, donating 30,000 Straits dollars to Anglo-Chinese School and 10,000 Straits dollars to Raffles College.
The efforts of the Hokkien community in promoting education continued with the establishment of Nanyang University. Initiated by rubber magnate Tan Lark Sye (1897–1972) in 1955, the university was the highest Chinese-language institution in Southeast Asia at the time. It eventually merged with the University of Singapore in 1980 to become the National University of Singapore.
Ini Indexs
In the late 19th century, Singapore’s Teochew community grew rapidly and made significant strides in the business sector. As business activities required a certain level of knowledge, accounting, and writing skills, the Teochew community began to realise the urgent need to provide education to the next generation. However, the educational policy of the British colonial government in Singapore at the time focused primarily on training a small number of locals to serve as clerks, and showed little interest in Chinese education.
Influenced by China’s Hundred Days’ Reform in 1898, the overseas Chinese began to raise funds to establish modern schools in their respective diaspora communities.
The establishment of Tuan Mong School in 1906 marked the beginning of Teochew educational efforts in Singapore.
Around the time of World War II, the Teochew community had already established numerous private schools, including Seak Tiat School, Kheng Cheng School, Sing Hua Public School, Tho Mong School, Tuan Eng School, Lok Eng School, Wen Hsuan School, Soo Jin School, Poi Eng Public School (now Peiying Primary School), Pei Tow School, Hwa Nong School, Hoo Neu School, Kwang Teck School, Lee Sin School, Nam King School, Chung Kuo Kung Hsieh School, Nanyang Commercial School, Tong Keng School, Nam Ann School, Teo Yeonh School, and Ngee Ann Girls’ School (now Ngee Ann Primary School). These schools were either privately owned or sponsored by clan associations and charity halls (shantang) within the Teochew community.
The Teochew community’s charitable organisation, Ngee Ann Kongsi, played a central role in these efforts. These schools varied in size, but were well-structured in terms of administration and teaching. Needy students from different dialect groups were treated equally and given financial assistance for their tuition.
The establishment of Ngee Ann Girls’ School in 1940, and Ngee Ann College in 1963, were significant milestones.
Ngee Ann Girls’ School was the only girls’ school sponsored by the Teochew community in Malaya at the time. It reflected the progressive mindset of Teochew leaders, who rejected outdated gender biases, demonstrating a commitment to gender equality and forward-thinking ideals in nurturing the next generation.
Ngee Ann College was the only higher education institution established by the overseas Teochew community. It aimed to cultivate professionals in technology and business to meet the needs of social and economic development. It has since evolved into a well-known institution of higher learning for science and engineering, and is now known as Ngee Ann Polytechnic.
The educational efforts of the Teochew community in Singapore were closely intertwined with the political and social developments locally and in China, and underwent several transformations. After the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, schools that originally taught in Teochew, and consisted mainly of Teochew students and teachers, were influenced by Chinese nationalism. They transitioned into using Mandarin as the language of instruction, and also made changes to the school system, curriculum, and teaching materials.
Spurred on by the changing socio-political landscape in Singapore after World War II, Teochew schools started to integrate into the local education system. They placed an emphasis on bilingual education and fostering a sense of loyalty and identification with the local community. These schools evolved into government-aided Chinese-medium schools under the administrative authority of the Ministry of Education.
After Singapore gained independence in 1965, many residents were relocated to new housing estates as a result of urban redevelopment, causing several Teochew schools to be short of students and close down. From the 1970s, mother tongue languages started to be taught as a second language. Teochew schools in Singapore were incorporated into the national education system and eventually transformed into government schools.
Many of the schools established by the Teochew community no longer exist, even though some government schools still carry their names. The Ngee Ann Kongsi continues to provide regular financial support to Ngee Ann Primary School, Ngee Ann Secondary School, and Ngee Ann Polytechnic. Starting in 1998, the Teochew community established specialised institutions to collaborate with foreign universities to offer degree programmes. Some Teochew community organisations also organise continuing education courses. Despite challenges brought about by societal changes, the Teochew community has adapted and found new ways to contribute to the nation’s education infrastructure.
Ini Indexs
Besides Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng cemetery and the Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital, schools were another major charitable contribution of early immigrants from the Canton prefectures of Guangzhou, Huizhou, and Zhaoqing. In the early 20th century, the Singapore Cantonese community raised funds for the establishment of Yeung Ching School (1905–), Kwong Fook School (1916–1982), Nan Hwa Girls’ School (1917–), Cheng Fong Girls’ School (1928–1942), Kwong Wai Shiu Peck Shan Ting School (1936–1981), Shut Yung School, and Khe Chee School. The clan associations set up by the Cantonese community also offered free education. Local clan associations that established education arms included Ning Yeung Wui Kuan (1906–late 1950s), Tung On Wui Kun (1923–1964), Kong Chow Wui Koon (1929–1968), Nam Sun Wui Kun (1931–1968), Sam Sui Wui Kun (c. 1933–1960), and Poon Yue Association (1952–1958).1
Yeung Ching School (now Yangzheng Primary School) was the first and the largest school founded by the Cantonese. First known as Kwong Shiu School, it was established in Park Road, Chinatown in 1905 with contributions from 27 Chinese merchants, including Wong Ah Fook (1837–1918), Yow Ngan Pan (1863–1930), Look Yan Kit (1849–1933), and Ho Siak Kuan (1866–1947). Among its famous alumni are Chinese composer Sinn Sing Hoi (1905–1945) and Indonesian Chinese artist Lee Man Fong (1913–1988).
In 1906, Kwong Shiu School was renamed Kwong Shiu Yeung Ching School. Hakkas from Huizhou joined in to manage the school in 1907. It was renamed Kwong Wai Shiu Yeung Ching School, and subsequently Yeung Ching School in 1912.2 In the early years of Yeung Ching School, enrolment numbers increased rapidly and school funds ran low. Most of the Chinese students back then came from low-income families, and some could not even afford the school fees. Seeking to address these issues, the school’s board of directors decided to develop the land at the junction of Maxwell Road and Peck Seah Street, where Cheng San Teng cemetery used to be. The colonial government had previously gained possession of the cemetery land to develop the Chinatown area, but in 1924 gave part of the land back to the Cantonese and Hakkas who had been seeking as compensation. This allowed the Kwong Wai Shiu community to open Air View Restaurant and New Asia Hotel (now part of Air View Building) there, and collect rent to fund Yeung Ching School and Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital.3 The Hakka then established Singapore Khek Community Guild (now Nanyang Hakka Federation) next to the Air View Building.
The establishment of both Nan Hwa Girls’ School (now Nan Hua Primary School and Nan Hua High School) and Cheng Fong Girls’ School was largely the result of the socio-political environment in the early 20th century, where girls were encouraged to attend school. Besides the Cantonese community, other non-Cantonese pioneers such as Tan Kah Kee (1874–1961), brothers Aw Boon Haw (1882–1954) and Aw Boon Par (1888–1944), Lim Peng Siang (1873–1944), and Lim Nee Soon (1879–1936) also contributed to the establishment of Nan Hwa Girls’ School. Even Chui Lok Amateur Dramatic Association from Kuala Lumpur travelled to Singapore to stage a charity performance at Lai Chun Yuen Opera House in Chinatown to raise funds for the school — reinforcing the kinship between Singapore and Malaya.4There were two other girls’ schools in Singapore back then, namely Singapore Nanyang Girls’ School (now Nanyang Girls’ High School, 1917–) and Chung Hwa Girls’ School (now Zhonghua Secondary School, 1911–).
Cheng Fong Girls’ School, which ceased operations during the Japanese Occupation, had started as a branch for the female students of Yeung Ching School. At the time, the colonial government mandated that students above the age of 12 had to enrol in single-sex schools, as was the norm in Britain (this policy was changed only after World War II).5 Cheng Fong Girls’ School was also a school for trainee teachers.
Kwong Fook School was a Chinese school funded by a temple. Most of its students were children of the people who worked in the Kallang Gasworks area (huocheng, or literally “districts of the fire”)6 — one might call it a school for workers’ children. Back then, students did not have high aspirations when it came to education — they only wanted to learn to read, write, and acquire skills that would help them make a living. When Kwong Fook School was founded, Yeung Ching School gave it some of its old tables and chairs, and classes were conducted on the opera stage of Kwong Fook Temple. The school’s board of directors used the cash offerings made to the temple, as well as rental income from properties, to fund the school’s operations. In 1956, a new school with 14 classrooms was built and incorporated into the national education system to become a government-aided school. Nonetheless, Kwong Fook Temple continued to fund the school’s miscellaneous expenses.
Kwong Wai Shiu Peck Shan Ting School, an independent school offering free education to residents from Kampong San Teng and Shunfu Village,7 was located beside the Peck San Theng cemetery. The cemetery, located on the site of present-day Bishan town, was managed by a federation of Cantonese clans. Funds from the “Grand Universal Salvation Ritual” prayer service for the deceased and other donations were used to build the school.
Funds for the other schools established by Cantonese clan associations in densely populated Chinatown, such as Ning Yeung, Tung On, Kong Chow, Nam Sun, Sam Sui, and Poon Yue as mentioned above, were collected by clan associations from clan members. These schools faced competition from other non-clan private schools in the early years. After Singapore gained self-governance, these Chinese-language medium clan schools faced low enrolment, and eventually closed in the 1960s.
Today, there are still schools which retain their historical ties to the Cantonese community and continue to have Cantonese leadership on their advisory committees. Among them are Nan Hua High School, Nan Hua Primary School, and Yangzheng Primary School.
Ini Indexs
The Teochew community in Singapore has had a long history of public philanthropy, whether by individual philanthropists, clan associations, or religious organisations. Smaller clan associations set up mutual aid groups for the welfare of their communities, while those with more resources cross the boundaries of clanship and religion to extend their charity to vulnerable groups in society. Ngee Ann Kongsi and the Teochew charitable organisations stand out as two of the most salient examples.
After Ngee Ann Kongsi was formally established in 1845, the organisation used the funds it raised to repair and construct temples, purchase communal burial grounds, sponsor Teochew schools, and support other charity work. In 1933, the Kongsi revised its constitution and registered itself as a trust and charity institution for Teochew people. After that, it took over management of Tuan Mong School, founded Ngee Ann Girls’ School (now Ngee Ann Primary School) and Ngee Ann College (now Ngee Ann Polytechnic), and started offering scholarships and bursaries for higher education.
The Kongsi set up Ngee Ann Property Management Pte Ltd and Ngee Ann Development Pte Ltd, stipulating that 75% of its annual profit from investments and rental of real estate was to be used for the development of Ngee Ann Polytechnic. This was reduced to 25% in 2007, and the remaining 50% was allocated to other educational technology and charity purposes.
To date, Ngee Ann Kongsi has donated billions of dollars. This has benefited numerous educational institutions, research organisations, and charity groups, making significant contributions to the country’s education, economy, and social welfare.
Founded in 1916, Seu Teck Sean Tong was the first Teochew charitable hall to be established in Singapore. Several others that followed — namely Phoh Kiu Siang Tng (1929), Nanyang Thong Hong Siang Tng (1930), Toa Payoh Seu Teck Sean Tong (1942), Thong Kheng Charitable Institution (1943), and Nam Ann Siang Theon (1944) — later came together to form the Blue Cross Charitable Institution during World War II. First conceived in the early years of the Japanese Occupation, the Blue Cross was officially started in January 1945 to take on social relief work, which included medical services, assistance for the poor, and provision of free burials for the deceased. Charitable halls that were established after the war also subsequently joined the Blue Cross, and these included Thong Teck Sian Tong (1950), Bukit Timah Seu Teck Sean Tong (1959), Poh Teck Siang Tng (1961), Nam Hong Siang Theo (1961), Cheng Hong Siang Tng (1974), and Chung Hong Siang Tng (1977).
Registered as non-profit charities under the Societies Act, Teochew charitable halls mainly worship the Song dynasty Buddhist monk, Reverend Song Ta-Fung, but also enshrine the Buddha, various Bodhisattvas, and other deities. In alignment with their ancestral master’s grand mission to help the world, these organisations were dedicated to providing disaster relief and helping the poor and needy in the early days.
Charitable halls evolved with the changing times. From the 1990s, they reached out to the wider community to provide a variety of up-to-date welfare assistance. This included expanding the scale of their Western and traditional Chinese medical and medication services, setting up well-equipped nursing homes, dialysis centres, homes for the elderly and care centres, funeral service centres, and family service centres, as well as donating to various charity organisations and community education funds.
Since the 2000s, some of the charitable halls have also formed welfare associations to promote their various charitable causes more professionally and effectively. They have also obtained Institutions of a Public Character (IPC) status and became members of the National Council of Social Service. The Teochew charitable halls today have transformed themselves, and are engaging with the wider community on multiple levels, becoming an important part of the country’s charity and welfare system.
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The clan associations of the Cantonese and other dialect groups in Singapore are historical products of the Chinese diaspora across different periods of time. At their height in the mid-20th century, approximately 290 Cantonese clan associations could be found on the island.1These organisations were formed based on the shared ties of kinship, place of origin in China, and profession, and had provided both practical and emotional support to immigrants (also known as sinkeh, or newcomers).
As a group, “Cantonese” refers to the Guang-Hui-Zhao (or Kwong-Wai-Siew) people whose mother tongue is Cantonese. In the Qing dynasty, the Guangdong province had 10 prefectures: Guangzhou, Huizhou, Zhaoqing, Chaozhou, Jiaying, Leizhou, Lianzhou, Gaozhou, Shaoguan, and Qiongzhou. These were known mnemonically as “Guang Hui Zhao Chao Jia, Lei Lian Gao Shao Qiong”, and Guang-Hui-Zhao was used as a collective term for the various counties and cities under the jurisdiction of Guangzhou, Huizhou, and Zhaoqing prefectures.
In Singapore and Malaysia, Guang-Hui-Zhao represents the parts of Guangdong province where most of the Cantonese immigrants originally came from. Even though the Huizhou prefecture had a majority Hakka population, the Hakkas were naturally integrated into the Guangzhou and Zhaoqing community since they had gone to sea via Guangzhou.
The Cantonese are also known as Guangfu people, and the Cantonese language is also referred to as the Guangfu dialect. This is because, as the administrative centre of the Guangdong province, Guangzhou was deemed to be representative of the region. Guangfu is an abbreviation of “Guangzhou Fu” (Guangzhou prefecture).
The first kinship-based organisation in Singapore was the Sing Chow Chiu Kwok Thong Cho Kah Koon, founded in 1819 by Chow Ah Chey (1782–1830), who was from Taishan and had arrived on the island with the Raffles expedition. Cho Kah Koon was located at the junction of Lavender Street and Kallang Road, and this downstream area of the Kallang River was where the Cantonese engaged in sawmilling, leatherworking, and masonry, and later ventured into the machinery industry.2
Chow Ah Chey and his fellow men from Taishan went on to establish Ning Yeung Wui Kuan in 1822 — the first Chinese clan association seen in Singapore as well as outside of China.3 Other region-based clan associations formed by Guang-Hui-Zhao people in the 19th century included Huizhou (Wui Chiu Fui Kun, 1822), Zhongshan (Chung Shan Association, 1837), Nanshun (Nam Sun Wui Kun, 1839), Gangzhou (now Xinhui, Kong Chow Wui Koon, 1840), Dong’an (Tung On Wui Kun, 1870), Zhaoqing (Siu Heng Wui Kun, 1878), Panyu (Poon Yue Association, 1879), and Sanshui (Sam Sui Wui Kun, 1886). There were also kinship-based clan associations such as Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wui Kun (1873) and Kwong Wai Siew Li Si She Shut (1874).4
In Singapore, people from neighbouring regions in the Guangdong prefecture often started clan associations together. For example, Nam Sun Wui Kun included members from the counties of Nanhai and Shunde, and people from Nanhai and Shunde passing through Singapore on their way to South Africa for mining would stay at lodgings set up by the clan folks along Hongkong Street. Tung On Wui Kun was made up of people from the Dongguan and Bao’an (Shenzhen) counties, and its early members were mostly sailors. Chen Loong Wui Koon, founded in 1947, covered the counties of Zengcheng and Longmen.
Clan associations established in the 19th century were characterised by their mission of supporting public welfare and improving the lives of those back in their hometowns. In the late Qing dynasty, Cantonese opera troupes from China sought opportunities abroad and the Liyuan Tang was set up in Singapore in 1857 (“Liyuan” is a term referring to opera troupes). It was later registered as Pat Wo Wui Kun in 1890, in compliance with requirements of the colonial government. The name “Pat Wo” is taken from the phrase ba tang he he, he zhong gong ji, which means a union of eight opera departments (roles) working in harmony. It symbolises the aspiration for concord among all professional actors in the troupe and the goal of bringing joy to the public.
The 20th century saw a diversification in the way clan associations were organised. For instance, Yi Yi Tang Lion Dance Troupe — which was established in 1920, and the first to perform lion dance at the Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng to honour ancestors — used lion dance as a means to unite fellow members, only setting up Hok San Association many years later in 1939.5 Shun Tak Community Guild was founded in 1948 to raise funds for flood victims in its hometown, and many of its members also belonged to Nam Sun Wui Kun.6These clan associations were concentrated in and around Chinatown in the early days, but some started to acquire property in Geylang as the city area underwent redevelopment.
Most of the Cantonese women who migrated south from China to seek a living in this region at the start of the 20th century originated from the counties of Sanshui (now Sanshui District) and Shunde (now Shunde District). They became members of Sam Sui Wui Kun, Nam Sun Hui Kun, and Shun Tak Community Guild, and formed a majority in these clan associations.
Those who came from Sanshui mainly worked at construction sites and were colloquially known as samsui women or hong toujin — literally “red headscarf”, a nod to their trademark red headgear. The ones who wore blue headgear instead would have been from the counties of Huaxian and Qingyuan. As for women from Shunde who worked as domestic servants in Singapore, most of them had sworn themselves to celibacy and were commonly called zishunü (self-combed women) or majie.7 In their later years, some would receive help from the clan associations to return to their hometowns, while the others would live out their days in a Gu Po Wu (spinsters’ house) or a temple known as a vegetarian hall.8
Today, the families of the early immigrants have long sunken roots in this land, and the role of clan associations has had to evolve. Since the 1990s, the Cantonese clan associations in Singapore have taken turns to host international conventions to foster connections among the Chinese diaspora around the world. Such cross-border reunions have become one of the main activities through which clan associations engage with the global community. The Cantonese clan associations of Singapore continue to preserve valuable artefacts as well as history and heritage — promoting Cantonese opera and cuisine, lion dance, festivals, and other distinctive cultural features.
The signatories on the land deed of the Ning Yeung Wui Kuan were Liang Yakuan and Dai Yahong, not Chow Ah Chey. The latter had already died in 1830 and could not have received the deed. Someone must have accepted it on his behalf when the colonial government issued it later on.
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After Stamford Raffles (1781–1826) founded modern Singapore, he adopted policies which granted special privileges to merchants, protecting their interests at every turn. In addition, the merchant class was hailed as the backbone of Singapore society.1 This gave the Chinese who had migrated to Singapore in search of a better life access to business opportunities that were different from those in China.
Under the policies of the colonial government, some of the Chinese who engaged in business gradually formed a wealthy class, and these included Hakka businessmen. With their newfound influence, some Hakka businessmen strived to become leaders of their own ethnic group in order to facilitate their entry into the upper echelons of society. To achieve this goal, these businessmen had to make some form of contributions to their ethnic group, which included establishing clan associations to take care of fellow villagers and setting up schools. This close relationship between businessmen, clan associations, and schools, in which the businessmen played a central role, became a unique feature of the Chinese community.
One example is the Ying Fo Fui Kun, which was established in 1822. In line with its focus on educating the children of clansmen, the clan association’s leaders set up Yin Sin School on 5 May 1905. Modelled after Western education systems, it was one of the earliest modern schools in Singapore. Reformists and revolutionaries in China had travelled to Southeast Asia and the United States during the late Qing dynasty to seek financial support. In the process, they also brought back new ideas on education, which influenced the Chinese community in Singapore. The new concepts rendered traditional private tutoring obsolete, and Western-style pedagogy became the subsequent model for educational endeavours such as Yin Sin School.
Its founders included Ying Fo Fui Kun’s board of directors such as Huang Yunhui (1865–1926), Zhong Xiaoting (birth and death years unknown), and Tang Xianglin (unknown–1940s). The school adopted new standards in teaching methods and textbooks, with all expenses apart from tuition fees covered by donations from the directors and board members of the clan association.2
The school was initially established on Loke Yew Street. After receiving feedback from many parents that the area was not accessible via public transport, the board of directors decided to relocate the school to the premises of Ying Fo Fui Kun at Telok Ayer Street (commonly known as Guan Soon Street) on 21 August 1905.
Yin Sin School’s development suffered a setback during World War II. With the support of the clan association’s leadership and the wider community, the school was rebuilt after the war. However, changes in government education policies in the early 1960s led to a decline and eventual depletion in student enrollment. As a result, the school announced its closure in 1970.
Khee Fatt School was established in 1906. To give children of clansmen a modern education, leaders of Char Yong (Dabu) Association, including Liu Chunrong (birth and death years unknown), initiated fundraising efforts. They then rented a shophouse on Loke Yew Street and founded the school. Its opening ceremony took place on 1 November 1906, with just over 60 students.3 In 1911, in order to provide more space and equipment, Char Yong’s president, Lan Jingqing (birth and death years unknown), and other directors decided to add a third floor to the association’s building to serve as the school compound.
After World War II, to accommodate students who had missed schooling during wartime, the president of Char Yong (Dabu) Association, Chong Moong Seng (1900–1977), led the board of directors in expanding the school. But as education policies evolved in line with Singapore’s development, Khee Fatt School faced a fate similar to that of Yin Sin School.
In 1985, after consultations between the Khee Fatt School Board of Directors and the Ministry of Education, it was decided that the school would cease operations that year. The Ministry of Education then constructed a new school building at 50 West Coast Road, with a donation of $100,000 from the Char Yong (Dabu) Clan Association. The new school was named Qifa Primary School in appreciation of the donation from the Char Yong (Dabu) Clan Association. Leaders of the association were also invited to serve as members of the school’s Advisory Committee.
Yin Sin School and Khee Fatt School were both established by Hakka clan associations, and carried the responsibility of cultural and ethnic education in pre-independence Singapore.
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In the early 19th century, the Cantonese and Hakka communities in Singapore jointly established Fuk Tak Chi Temple (also known as Hok Tek Chi or Fook Tet Soo Kek Temple).1 Dedicated to the worship of the Chinese earth deity Tua Pek Kong, the temple oversaw the construction of two cemeteries, Cheng San Teng and Loke Yah Teng.
The temple (later renamed as Hok Tek Chi Loke Yah Teng Association) has been standing on Telok Ayer Street since at least 1824. This is evidenced by a temple plaque from the fourth year of the Daoguang Emperor’s reign (1824) bearing the inscription “Zepi haidao” (“benefitting the island”). The plaque is the earliest known artefact of the Chinese community in Singapore.
As Tao Gongzhu (birth and death years unknown) detailed in “Fudeci lüyeting yangeshi” (The Historical Evolution of Fuk Tak Chi and Loke Yah Teng)2, Tua Pek Kong was already enshrined by the sea during the Jiaqing era (1796–1820), before the cemetery Cheng San Teng had been established. The shrine was located at the site on Guan Soon Street (the colloquial name of Telok Ayer Street), where Fuk Tak Chi Temple now sits. The shrine, which was modest in size, was said to have been the burial site of an elder whose body had been washed ashore onto Telok Ayer Street — then along Singapore’s original coastline. People raised funds to give him a proper burial on the site where he was found.
As the reputation of the site grew, three immigrant communities pooled funds to construct a temple, which they named Fuk Tak Chi. They comprised the Kwong Wai Siew community (Guangzhou, Huizhou, and Zhaoqing), the Fong Yun Thai community (Fengshun, Dabu, and Yongding), and Kar Yeng Five Districts (Meixian, Jiaoling, Pingyuan, Wuhua, and Xingning). The temple was also known as “Fuk Tak Chi by the sea”, due to its proximity to the waters, as well as “Fuk Tak Chi on Telok Ayer Street”. It was a place where the Cantonese and Hakka communities forged their alliance and provided assistance to their clansmen.
According to surviving records inscribed on monuments erected separately by worshippers from the Kwong Wai Siew and Fong Yun Thai communities, Fuk Tak Chi Temple underwent several renovations and expansions in 1854, 1862, and 1869. An inscription from 1870 also noted that the Cantonese and Hakka communities had built a walled platform in front of the sea-facing temple to stage performances as offerings to the deities, which boosted its popularity.
Despite the alliance between the Cantonese and Hakkas, disputes over money could not be avoided. After all, the two communities originated from different regions in China and belonged to different dialect groups. A record of the legal dispute between Fuk Tak Chi’s pair of temple keepers in the 12th year of the Guangxu Emperor’s reign (1886) stated that a conflict over the uneven distribution of temple funds caused sufficient alarm to warrant the involvement of the colonial government’s Inspector-General and the Protector of the Chinese in filing and bringing the case to trial. After the trial, on 2 January 1887, representatives from both parties were ordered to sign a contract. The terms stipulated that the two communities would take turns in appointing a temple keeper, and whoever was in charge for the year was to be responsible for all profits or losses to ensure impartiality and prevent further conflicts. From then on, Fuk Tak Chi Temple and Loke Yah Teng were managed in this manner,3 and the rotational model remains in use at Hok Tek Chi Loke Yah Teng Association today.
In 1985, Fuk Tak Chi Temple was requisitioned by the government. It was officially closed in 1994, and the government sold the land — including the building — for commercial development. As the temple had housed a large number of deities, the Cantonese and Hakka communities invited Taoist priests to perform the necessary rituals for the permanent removal of all the statues. Only the statues of Tua Pek Kong and Cheng Huang Ye (the City God) were relocated to the premises of the Hok Tek Chi Loke Yah Teng Association in Geylang.
Fuk Tak Chi’s building and the land on which it sits now belong to Far East Organization. The property was renovated and converted into Fuk Tak Chi Museum in 1998, and has remained on the original site as a conservation project under the National Heritage Board.
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The Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng cemetery, with its entrance at Upper Thomson Road, covered an area of 324 acres in the past, equivalent to more than 180 football fields. In the early 1980s, that land was used by the government to develop the new town of Bishan. Today, about two-thirds of the flats in Bishan sit on what was originally the cemetery.1
Just like all other Chinese cemeteries, Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng represented the Chinese community’s belief in being self-reliant in a foreign land — in this case, by taking care of the funeral rites of fellow clan members. Clan associations established 290 collective tombs (zongfen) within the cemetery, which were organised around kinship, place of origin in China, or occupation, and held ceremonies during the annual Qing Ming and Chong Yang festivals.
Before Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng, some of the existing cemeteries serving the Cantonese and Hakka community were Cheng San Teng in the area near Maxwell Market, and Loke Yah Teng in Bukit Ho Swee. The establishment of Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng was initiated in 1870 by a group of people. One of them was Boey Nam Sooi, who pooled resources with people from the prefectures of Guangzhou, Huizhou and Zhaoqing. The aim was to purchase land for the burial of Guang-Hui-Zhao people who had “found their way here to Selat (Singapore) and died of unfortunate and ill-fate in a foreign land”.2
Inscription records reveal that the organisation and management of Peck San Theng (as the cemetery was known for short) matured progressively after 20 years of efforts. Members of the Boey (Mei) family, including Boey Nam Sooi, Boey Ah Sam, Mei Wang, and Mei Duancheng, as well as the “Seven Shops of Market Street”, namely Choo Kong Lan, Choo U Lan, Choo Foo Lan, Loh Kee Seng, Kwong Hang Ho, Loh Chee Seng, and Tong Tak Ho, made large donations for the construction of temples and roads.3Hoo Ah Kay (1816–1880), a native of Panyu who served as the consul for China, Russia, and Japan in Singapore, appealed to the colonial government for land tax exemption. Boey Ah Sam, the “General Manager” (da zongli) of Peck San Theng’s developments, was appointed as one of the first members of the Chinese Advisory Board along, with others such as Tan Keong Saik (1850–1909), Tan Jiak Kim (1859–1917), and Seah Liang Seah (1850–1925).4
In the early 20th century, as the number of homes and shops in Kampong San Theng multiplied with the influx of immigrants from China, a cultural and economic ecosystem had begun to take shape. Peck San Theng, now jointly managed by 16 Cantonese clan associations, went on to set up Kwong Wai Shiu Peck Shan Ting School (1936–1981) next door, providing free education to children of all ethnicities. This helped create a community where people could live, work, and honour the dead in the same area.
In 1948, Peck San Theng acquired an additional 175 acres of land, and expanded to the largest size in its history. The burial grounds were demarcated by 12 pavilions which provided resting places for families who came to pay their respects. The 13 burial sites were named after the 13-word phrase “Xing Jia Po Guang Hui Zhao Bi Shan Ting Yu Lan Sheng Hui” (The Yu Lan festival of Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng in Singapore) as Xing Zi Shan, Jia Zi Shan, Po Zi Shan, and so on.5
Peck San Theng also collaborated closely with Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital to manage the funeral rites of deceased patients who had nobody to depend on. According to inscriptions found on the 1923 Grand Universal Salvation Ritual monument,6 Peck San Theng had already provided funding to the hospital then. And according to records from 1930, individuals at a Peck San Theng meeting — among them Ng Sing Phang (1873–1951), Au Min Tong (circa 1882–1939), Chan Chan Phang (unknown–1939), and Lum Mun Tin (1873–1943) — had voted to grant Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital’s request that a rubber plantation at the second pavilion be used to reinter, without charge, the remains of patients who had passed away at the hospital over the years.
Ng Sing Phang, a former general manager of Peck San Theng, was then the manager of Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital. Au Min Tong, Chan Chan Phang, and Lum Mun Tin were meanwhile board members and estate trustees of the hospital. These people also served in various other charity organisations, clan associations and schools.
A flagship Peck San Theng event is the “Grand Universal Salvation Ritual”. Notably, it was held during World War II in 1943, and after the explosion of the oil tanker Spyros at Jurong Shipyard in 1978, to offer salvation rituals for the deceased victims.7
When the cemetery had to be cleared in the 1980s, Peck San Theng retained eight acres of its land, the size of about five football fields, and became a columbarium for people of all races and dialect groups. A heritage gallery was established in 2018 to preserve the history of the Bishan and Cantonese cemeteries.8