Ini Indexs
Hokkien music in Singapore refers to music sung in the Hokkien vernacular. It is generally categorised as two types, traditional music, and modern (modeng) or popular (liuxing) Hokkien music.
The term “Hokkien” is widely accepted and used to refer to migrants from south Fujian in China, or their descendants.1 The prominence of the Hokkien group in the surrounding region, including China, Taiwan and modern Southeast Asia, has led to scholarly studies dating back to the 19th century.2 A number of Romanised terms, such as “South Fukienese” and “Hokkienese”, emerged as a result.3 The labels for Hokkien music also vary depending on temporal and spatial factors, the most commonly used being Hokkien or Fujian songs (Fujian ge) and others include Amoy songs (Xiayu ge or Xiaqu) and Minnan songs (Minnan ge or Minnan yu gequ). These terms, especially the latter two, denote trends usually pertaining to a specific time frame.
The most enduring example of traditional Hokkien music is nanyin (southern music). It is also known as nanguan (southern pipes) and sometimes spelt as namkuan (a transliterated Hokkien term) or nanyue (southern music) — a term sometimes found in old newspapers in Singapore. Other names for nanyin include xianguan, nanqu, nanci, and langjunchang.4
Nanyin’s origins can be traced back to the early Ming dynasty around the 14th century.5 It is a form of ensemble music comprising “traditional songs and instrumental repertoire” with three main categories: vocal suites (zhi), individual songs (qu), and instrumental suites (pu).6 Its main musical instruments include pipa (four-string plucked lute), sanxian (three-string plucked lute), dongxiao (vertical end-blown flute), and erxian (two-string bowed lute). There is also the five-piece wooden clapper, known as paiban, that denotes the beats of each metric cycle. Nanyin’s musical characteristics, including its notation, formal musical structure, and repertoire, are said to be distinct from other “silk and bamboo” (sizhu) instrumental ensemble music prevalent in neighbouring regions like Guangdong and Chaozhou.7
“Wherever there are Hokkiens, there are nanguan organisations”, said nanguan musician Yang Chaochang (1922–1993), who emphasised the importance of nanyin in the everyday life of Hokkiens.8 Although performed by members of the upper class in imperial China, nanyin became a significant part of the lives of Hokkien migrants who settled in Singapore.9 To them, nanyin was seen as the music of their hometown (xiangyin). In its early days, when there were no nanyin associations established in Singapore, migrants — mostly from Jinjiang county — gathered at coolie houses (gulijian or kuliking in Hokkien) to sing nanyin. Some brought their own pipa or asked their compatriots back in Quanzhou to bring more musical instruments and music scores so that they could sing to their hearts’ content.10
Some of these migrants became the founders of nanyin associations such as Heng Yun Ge, believed to have been established in the early 20th century.11 In its early years, Heng Yun Ge performed mostly behind closed doors on the feast days of deities, such as Guanyin, as well as Chinese festive celebrations such as the Lantern Festival. Later, they would perform publicly, such as Thian Hock Keng temple, which would attract flocks of Hokkiens.
To the Hokkiens, Nanyin also played a significant role at the end of a person’s life. Although ensemble music is typically reserved for deceased nanyin musicians during their funerals, families of older Hokkien folks would sometimes request that nanyin musicians perform during the funerals of their loved ones.12
From the early to mid-20th century, nanyin was considered the most popular form of Hokkien music entertainment, as seen in the founding of various nanyin associations such as Jin Hua Ge in the 1930s, Yun Lu Nanyin Society around 1937, Siong Leng Musical Association in 1941, and Chuan Sing Musical Society in 1961.13 Various Hokkien associations also established their own nanyin departments, including Anhai Association during the 1940s and 1950s, and later Chin Kang Huay Kuan in 1978.14
Besides the establishment of nanyin associations and music clubs, performance sites and broadcasting platforms also played an important role in disseminating nanyin to the general public. From the 1930s, newspapers like the Singapore Free Press served as advertisements for radio news. For instance, in the early 1940s, broadcasting stations ZHL, ZHP1 and ZHP2 were reported to have featured “Hokkien Namkuan Selections”.15 Nanyang Siang Pau later reported that the Malaya Broadcasting Station had invited the Teo Clan Association and Siong Leng Musical Association to perform and broadcast nanyue in 1948 and 1954 respectively. Rediffusion, Singapore’s first cable-transmitted commercial radio station, also joined in the broadcasting of nanyue in the 1950s.16 Amusement parks such as Happy World invited nanyin groups like Nanyue lianyou she and Siong Leng Musical Association to perform as well.
The end of the Second World War (1942–1945) would later affect the development of Hokkien music in Singapore in various ways. First, close connections with mainland China were disrupted, preventing nanyin musicians and teachers – who usually came from the same hometowns as Hokkien migrants in Singapore – from entering the country. Second, it gave rise to the production of Amoy-dialect films, which was closely associated with nanyin in its early years. Nanyin melodies were often featured in these films, with nanyin performers involved in the soundtracks. One classic example was The Lychee and the Mirror in 1953, which featured actress Jiang Fan, a nanyin performer herself. The movie was publicised in Sin Chew Daily, which stated that the soundtrack was a nanyue production that featured nanguan ballads. Several such films that Jiang starred in became known as “nanyin movies”.17
The mid-20th century was also a period of great transition for Singapore, both politically and culturally. Cut off from their motherland in mainland China during the Cold War era, Hokkien migrants in Singapore had to look elsewhere for musical entertainment, mainly “Little Fujian” in Hong Kong, as well as Taiwan, and the Philippines.18 The concept of a cosmopolitan city with modern tastes for both theatrical and musical entertainment was also emerging locally, leading to the decline in popularity of traditional nanyin in Amoy-dialect films in the first half of the 1950s in favour of more modern Hokkien music.19 The term “Amoy” then became synonymous with modern Hokkien music for a short period. Ironically, this term did not encompass music produced in Amoy or Xiamen, as China was cut off from the rest of the world that belonged to the capitalist camp and feared the spread of communism.20 At that time, Amoy music came to be regarded as the main form of entertainment in the “Greater Hokkien” areas outside Mainland China, including Singapore.
The evolution of nanyin influence can also be observed in traditional Hokkien theatre in Singapore. During the late 19th to early 20th century, nanyin and traditional Hokkien theatre were regarded as “blood and flesh”, an indication of its close relationship.21 In Singapore, nanguan or nanyin was also prevalent in Liyuan opera, Gaojia (or Kaoka opera), glove puppet theatre (potehi in Hokkien), and string puppet theatre.
As early as 1936, Fu Quan Xing, a Hokkien opera troupe from Malaya, transitioned from its musical roots in nanguan to re-establish itself as a gezai opera troupe. Renamed Sin Sai Hong, the famous Hokkien opera troupe in Singapore existed till the 21st century.22 Lee Chye Ee of the Jit Guat Sin puppet troupe also observed the proliferation of gezai and the decline in popularity of nanguan music, eventually forming See Yah Hui, a troupe that also sang in the gezai opera style.23
The musical style in Hokkien theatre in Singapore thus transitioned from a theatrical form that placed emphasis on labelled melodies to one that focused more on improvised tunes, as in the gezai tradition. Among these tunes, the most classical is the “seven-character tune”, comprising four lines with seven characters in each line.
This craze for gezai opera performances was further heightened by the production of gramophone records specifically dedicated to this genre, including the Romance of Gratitude and Avenge, Female Prince-Consort and Three Investigations of the Butterfly Dream by Justice Bao performed by Sin Kee Lin Hokkien Opera Troupe and released by Tang Nah Ah Company, a well-known record company then located at Hill Street.24
In fact, the concept of “modern Hokkien songs” in Singapore was said to have begun with Eng Ean Hokkien Opera Troupe, who was reported to have recorded “the first gramophone records of modern Hokkien music…in Singapore” in 1950. Releasing a total of 62 songs, they also featured music from other cultures, including hit songs from Japanese film Shina No Yoru and popular Malay songs “Terang Bulan” and “Bengawan Solo”.25 Other record companies similarly jumped at the opportunity. For instance, a record company named Parlophone invited members of Eng Ean, including the Lim sisters Eng Eng and Ean Ean, Lin Zhong Zhong, Fang Jing, Chen Yuquan, and Xue Mali to record popular or modern Hokkien songs.26
In the late 1970s, the attempt to restore nanyin to its former glory as mainstream Hokkien entertainment in Singapore was spearheaded by Teng Mah Seng (1915–1992), one of the pioneers of Siong Leng Musical Association. However, this proved challenging with the proliferation of popular Hokkien music, along with competition from other music genres such as Cantopop and Western pop music.
In the 1980s and 1990s, despite the ban on dialects in mainstream TV and radio stations, Hokkien pop continued to receive attention from the local audience in Singapore. Hokkien pop lovers were reported to visit nightspots such as karaoke lounges or purchase cassette tapes recorded in Taiwan and Singapore, with songs such as “Let’s have a Toast” (Gan ji bue) becoming very popular. The main reason for the fad was that “Hokkien lyrics related more to their lives, and love, happiness, and sadness are described explicitly”,27 according to an article in The Straits Times.
Taiwanese Hokkien entertainment also had a great influence on students and adults in Singapore, inspiring their passion for “new-wave Hokkien pop”. Taiwanese publications served to inform Hokkien pop fans of the latest music trends, and record companies such as Suwah Records even organised lunchtime concerts by popular singers from Taiwan like Lee Mao San and Lo Shi-fong at factories. This was because factory and blue-collar workers were one of the biggest buyers of Hokkien music cassettes.28
Singapore Hokkien music has undergone a dramatic transition, from traditional Nanyin in the beginning to Amoy songs during the Cold War period, its development was closely related to the regional political and social trends. In terms of cultural transmission, modern or contemporary Hokkien songs and Gezai opera are mostly influenced by Taiwan and this phenomenon has continued from the late 20th century up to the present day.
Ini Indexs
Originating from the ancient music of the Tang and Song dynasties in the central plains of China, Teochew music was brought to the Chaoshan region by the aristocratic clans (shizu) from the central plains. During its development, it interacted and merged with various local opera and folk music styles such as Kun opera, Waijiang Opera, also known as Han opera,1 and Zhengzi Opera. Throughout its development, it retained the simple, elegant characteristics of ancient Central Plains music. During the late Qing dynasty, with the migration of the Teochews, Teochew music spread to Southeast Asia, including Singapore.2
Singapore Teochew music includes not only the singing of opera and the chanting of funeral scriptures in charitable halls during funerals, but also instrumental music performances, and the playing of gongs and drums in parades. Teochew music can be broadly categorised into outdoor and indoor music, according to where it is performed. Outdoor music includes Teochew flower lantern drum and gong ensemble (Chaozhou huadeng luogu), dua low koh (da luogu), eight-tone drumming (bayin luogu), Waijiang gong and drum, and the small drum. Indoor music includes Teochew string music (Chaozhou xianshiyue), ancient flute music (ditao guyue), and chamber music (xiyue).
Teochew music is traditionally notated using the two-four system tablature (ersi pu), a unique, ancient form of musical notation. The distinct character of Teochew music is derived from its unique tonal system, with emphasis on the seventh and fourth notes, as well as special scales like the zhongsanliu mode (zhongsanliu diao) and the qingsanliu mode (qingsanliu diao). Teochew music’s core melodies become more varied and expressive through techniques such as adding and subtracting musical notes, embellishments, and variations.3
Teochew string music primarily consists of the erxian, a bowed instrument with two strings; the yehu, a coconut-shell bowed string instrument; the pipa, a Chinese lute; the guzheng, a Chinese plucked zither; the sanxian, a three-stringed Chinese lute; the dayehu, a large coconut-shell bowed-string instrument; and the ruan, a Chinese lute with four strings.
In larger ensembles, percussionists playing wooden clappers and other small percussion instruments may be added. One of the most famous repertoires in Teochew chamber music is the Chaozhou xianshi shi da tao (Ten Suites of Teochew Chamber Music), which includes Jingshang tianhua (Adding Flowers on the Brocade), Pingsha luoyan (Wild Geese Descending on the Sandbank), Fengqiu huang (Courtship), Zhaojun yuan (Lady Zhaojun’s Lament), Hanya xishui (Jackdaws Playing in the Water), Xiao taohong (Little Peach Red), Yue’er gao (High Moon), Yu lianhuan (Jade Interlocking Rings), Huangli ci (Oriole Lyrics), and Da baban (Grand Eight Beats).
Teochew opera and Teochew music are closely intertwined. Teochew opera uses a labelled melody (qupai) to compose scripts, and Teochew opera’s traditional labelled melody plays an important role in Teochew music. Some important labelled melodies include Shanpo yang (Mountain Sheep), Zaoluo pao (Black Robe), Meng hudie (Butterfly Dream), and Shiliu hua (Pomegranate Flower).
Teochew opera orchestras are divided into two forms of musical expressions called wenpan and wupan. Wenpan primarily consists of melodic instrumental ensembles from string music, while wupan consists of percussion instruments like gongs and drums, accompanied by wind instruments such as the suona and large flutes.4
Before Singapore’s independence, there were four active amateur Teochew music societies, the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association, founded in 1912, the Lak Aik Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association, founded in 1929, the Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association, founded in 1932, and the Chenh Hua Amateur Musical Association, founded in 1935. Among them, the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association, established by Teochew businessman Chen Zili (unknown–1943), was the first Teochew music society in Singapore.
Chen had previously organised music societies in his hometown, and was proficient in various musical instruments, particularly the guqin, a traditional Chinese zither-like instrument. He was passionate about Waijiang opera (Han opera) which was popular among the Teochew literati. After coming to Singapore, he gathered like-minded individuals at his shop on Keng Chew Street (Keng Cheow Street), where they studied Waijiang opera music together. This led to the establishment of the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association.
The club members were primarily businessmen who aimed to cultivate themselves and enhance their appreciation of the arts.5 The members of the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association held Confucius in high regard, and worshipped him within the society. They regarded Waijiang opera and Waijiang music as “elegant and proper music”, setting them apart from professional opera troupes and performers. This distinction gave them space to explore traditional Chinese opera string music, which ultimately solidified their leadership position within the local Teochew music community.6
Er Woo’s activities were divided into two parts, music and traditional opera. They had more musicians than actors, and it was the view that these amateur members had a deeper understanding of traditional opera and music than the professionals themselves. In 1960, the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association launched their first reformed version of a Han opera, Niulang zhinü (The Cowherd and the Weaver Girl).7
After Singapore’s independence, the popularity of Waijiang opera gradually declined, and gave way to the rising trend of film music, which included Teochew opera films. Local music clubs also shifted from performing Han opera to Teochew opera.8
Some important Teochew musicians in Singapore were Lin Rulie (1906–1981), Yeoh Liew Kung (1912–2004), and Yeo How Jiang (1928–2017). These senior musicians often came together to make music in their free time, not only as a recreational activity, but also as a way to strengthen their social bonds.
The international exchange of Teochew music in Singapore primarily relied on grassroots efforts. During annual celebrations organised by local Teochew opera troupes, overseas professional Teochew music masters were invited to perform in Singapore, including Zheng Shengli, Li Xianlie, and Cai Jianchen. Local musicians would gather with these teachers outside of working hours to enjoy music and share playing techniques, aiming to improve their own performance skills and contribute to the development of Teochew music in Singapore. For instance, Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association not only had a few of their own musicians perform during these events, but also hired professional musicians from abroad or musicians from local Teochew charity halls (shantang) to accompany them.
There are currently three active Teochew music groups in Singapore — Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association, Kityang Huay Kwan Teochew Ensemble, and Pho Leng Hui Kuan Teochew Music Ensemble. These three groups, which are among the few remaining historical amateur Teochew music groups in Singapore, consist of around 10 musicians who move between the groups to perform. Other Teochew groups such as the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association and the Nam Hwa Opera focus primarily on opera performances.
Ini Indexs
Cantonese music in Singapore dates back to the mid-19th century, when Cantonese opera culture began to spread to Southeast Asia and around the world. In a narrower sense, Cantonese or yue music refers to a genre of instrumental music believed to originate in the middle of late Qing period, after absorbing the influence of ancient music of the Central Plains, the qupai (labelled melody) of traditional Chinese operas, as well as folk music from the Jiangnan region.1 According to a widespread story, during the reign of Xianfeng Emperor from 1851 to 1860, Cantonese opera was banned by the Qing court because some troupes were involved in uprisings. As a result, musicians started performing more instrumental works. The development of such music reached its peak around the 1920s. Not only was the gaohu, the main accompanying instrument in Cantonese music today, invented during this period; elements of Western music were incorporated too.
More broadly speaking, “Cantonese music” in Singapore could also encompass traditional narrative singing, Cantonese opera music, the musical accompaniment of full-length operas and opera excerpts, music from religious rituals, and even Cantonese pop songs composed by local musicians, as well as Cantonese renditions of Xinyao (Mandarin ballads composed by the youth in Singapore). Popular with the Cantonese-speaking community, they have been performed in theatres, teahouses, cinemas, street operas, clan associations, on the radio, and elsewhere.
Cantonese folk narrative songs during the late-Qing, early-Republican period, such as naamyam and yue-ou (narrative verses), were published in early Singapore newspapers such as Lat Pau, Chong Shing Yit Pao and The Union Times. These were a form of vernacular literature, with themes ranging from love forlorn to livelihood issues.2 By the beginning of the 20th century, Singapore’s teahouses and restaurants already started to feature performances by female singers who sang acapella or with accompaniment by ensembles.3 From the 1930s, well-known venues in Chinatown such as Southern Hotel Restaurant, Air View Restaurant and Xin Ji Yuan similarly had artistes performing Cantonese songs, and this form of entertainment remained popular until the 1950s.
Before World War II, many amateur troupes performing traditional Cantonese music and Cantonese opera were established, including the Tarn Fah Keng Ying Charitable Dramatic Association, Hoi Thin Amateur Dramatic Association and others, which soon also performed to raise funds for anti-Japanese resistance efforts. For professional musicians, there was the Poh Fook Woi Koon, a guild dating back to 1890. Its members were originally the so-called pengmian shifu (“music masters under the canopy”) of Cantonese opera who had broken off from Cantonese opera guild Pat Wo Wui Kun to start their own organisation.4
From the pre-television era in Malaya to the 1970s in post-independent Singapore, traditional Cantonese music broadcasts and Cantonese opera films enjoyed popularity. Cantonese opera films were a form of mainstream entertainment in the 1950s and 1960s. Radio Malaya and Rediffusion often broadcast Cantonese music performed by local groups. Among these amateur groups were the Kwok Sing Musical Association, Yougu Musical Association, Sing Wah Musical and Dramatic Association, the Bell O’ Morn Musical Association, and music and drama groups belonging to various Cantonese clan associations. In addition to providing accompaniment for Cantonese opera, the music ensembles also performed popular tunes like Autumn Moon over the Calm Lake and Thunder in the Dry Season.5 They were fond of using the violin as a form of accompaniment, as well as incorporating other Western musical instruments such as the saxophone, banjo and xylophone.6 In the 1950s and 1960s, when these amateur music groups recorded at the radio station, they were typically unable to pay their musicians or give them a transport allowance, since funds were limited. However, it was customary for the band leader or association committee to treat them to a meal afterwards.7
Amusement parks such as New World and Happy World used to be major performance venues back in the 1950s and 1960s for famous Cantonese opera artistes from Hong Kong. They also provided a place for various clan associations to stage Cantonese opera and music performances as part of fundraising activities.8 In the 1970s, local street opera experienced a gradual decline as a result of urban development and changes in cultural lifestyle. However, when local street opera was still a popular form of entertainment, Cantonese opera troupes often engaged, at considerable expense, famous wenwusheng (male leads adept in roles of scholars as well as warriors) and huadan (female lead) from Hong Kong to perform in choushenxi (performances offering thanks to deities). Such stellar casting remains today a big selling point of Cantonese street opera in Singapore. The live music accompanying the performances may still be seen being directed by a small number of local musicians, allowing such skills to be passed on. Kong Fai Cantonese Wayang opera troupe is an example of this.9
From the 1980s onwards, the local Cantonese opera circle started interacting with practitioners from mainland China, and the audience gradually accepted a new musical style. In the 1990s, local troupes began engaging professional musicians and Cantonese opera performers from China who had trained at the academies there.10 Chinese Theatre Circle, a well-known local Cantonese opera troupe in Singapore, collaborated with Bu Canrong, a renowned arranger from Guangzhou, to create new repertoire. Since 2008, Tung On Opera has also been providing accompaniment regularly for performances of the Singapore Chinese Theatre Circle.
For a long time, Cantonese music in Singapore was associated mainly with Cantonese opera. There were very few purely instrumental performances. There is more active attempt today, with Tung On Opera incorporating newly-composed ensemble music and choral pieces into their programme, and they hope to encourage participation from musicians who play Chinese instruments but might not have a background in Cantonese opera.
It has not been easy to sustain activities of a professional Cantonese music ensemble even if based on a business model. Before and after the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, at least two Cantonese music groups in Chinatown — namely Weng Ngai music orchestra and Poh Fook Woi Koon — stopped operating. Fortunately, there are still many traditional Cantonese music lovers in Singapore, who often visit music clubs or studios in the Chinatown area to participate in singing sessions. A 30-minute session will typically be just sufficient for a duet that captures a romantic story with all its emotional ups and downs. Compared to similar singing sessions in Hong Kong, the corresponding live music accompaniment in Singapore tends to be much reduced and hence more affordable, with three to four musicians instead of seven or eight.
Today, the Internet has a vast array of resources in Cantonese opera, providing more aid to learners. The English-educated in Singapore may thus experience — more easily than ever before — the aesthetic values of Chinese literary classics through the medium of Cantonese opera music.
Ini Indexs
In Southeast Asia, the term Nanyang (literally “South Seas”) usually refers to Singapore, Malaya, Indonesia, as well as the coastal region of Indochina. “Nanyang Chinese Literature” historically is a term often used to describe the experiences of the Chinese in Malaya. Despite apparent confusion and entanglements over such terms as “Nanyang (or Malayan) style or school”, Nanyang art simply means art created by artists from China who settled in Singapore and Malaya and formed social, economic and political interests in their adopted homeland in the 20th century.
The art scene of the 1930s saw an emerging local consciousness among artists from China, reflecting a growing sense of place as they became more firmly settled in Singapore. In fact, the change had earlier begun in the literary scene, where writers were addressing social issues of the time. In 1926, Duan Nankui (birth and death years unknown), editor of the literary supplement of Chinese newspaper Lat Pau, described local society in this way: “It is a hackneyed, degenerate, static, stagnant, cumbersome, indifferent and hemiplegic, sick society.” He urged the intelligentsia “to adopt a critical attitude in re-evaluating all the values in Nanyang”. Another editor, Xu Jie (1901–1993), wrote in 1928, in the 10th issue of Yik Khuan Poh’s literary supplement Kudao (Desert Island): “Nanyang has its own history, customs, human environment and landscape, our writers need not search far for what we can find around us as excellent material for literary writing … Literature requires local colour, for instance when we mention Nanyang coconut palms, tall trees, expansive countryside, cottages, and bullock carts readily come to mind and occupy our thoughts. If we can capture colours such as these and express them in our writing, it will be the best of literary writing.”
Beginning from the second half of the 1920s, there had arisen a greater awareness of “the peculiarity of the locale” in Malaya (Singapore included), affirming the value of local writing by refusing to be reduced to “a mere tributary of Chinese culture”. Such consciousness had a direct impact on the entire Chinese community. The Chinese newspapers of this period, such as Nanyang Siang Pau, started by Tan Kah Kee in 1923; and Sin Chew Jit Poh, started by Aw Boon Haw and his brother in 1929, were also actively engaged in the discussion on calling for wider attention to the importance of Nanyang literature.
According to reports in Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh, 1931 was a fruitful year with a number of notable exhibitions. A new art group called Nan Sing Arts Association organised an exhibition of its members’ works and other works from various periods. A writer who called himself Waihan (“outsider”) commented on the exhibition, urging artists “to resist the misfortune of social ills with noble spirits”. After the exhibition, the organisers set up an art school, which also offered Chinese-language lessons in the evenings. The same year saw the Chang Chow Association (now Chang Chow General Association) present an exhibition of ancient paintings and calligraphy works from various dynasties. Poet and calligrapher Khoo Seok Wan’s (1874–1941) works were also featured.
In 1931, a special group called the Nanyang Journalistic Caricature Association was formed by artist Chen Shengping (1900s–1975), a graduate of the Shanghai Art University. Chen had then recently arrived in Singapore. His cartoon “Victim of the Wheel of Economy Today” that was printed in the Nanyang Students’ Society’s quarterly magazine in 1930 prompted Sin Chew Jit Poh to start running cartoons. He then became the editor of the features section of the newspaper for a short period, before leaving to dedicate himself to cartoon art in the Nanyang Journalistic Caricature Association. During the recruitment drive for the association, he wrote in the press: “Because of the shortage of cartoonists on this island, we specially offer cartooning courses both in classroom and through correspondence. Students can learn the technique of cartooning within a short time … With our pen we want to depict the hypocrisy of those who speak about virtue and righteousness but behave like robbers, and everything that is thoroughly evil and ugly.” By the end of 1931, the Association had published a book titled Shehui Manhua (Social Cartoons), which was a platform for cartoons as well as literary writing.
This appeared to usher in a yet more vibrant art scene during the second half of the 1930s, as artists and members of the intelligentsia arrived in increasing numbers due to the unstable political situation in China at that time. Many of them participated keenly in art activities, and some even formed art groups. Amid mounting tensions in 1936 and 1937 as the Second Sino-Japanese war drew near, artists sought to reflect the reality of the times by making art more relatable to the social conditions of the time. They also rallied like-minded people to form associations which promoted art.
One such group, comprising artists1 such as Cai Zhuzhen (1900s–1974), Li Yunyang, Lin Dao’an, Hsu Chunlin (1911–2000), Teo Peck Ho (1901–1957), Ling Tian, Chen Shengping, Liu Gongxi, Huang Cheng Chuan and Li Kueh Sei (1902–1971), proposed in April 1935 to form the Salon Art Association with the alumni of Shanghai Art Academy. However, the numbers fell short and another meeting2 was convened later in the year with Tchang Ju Chi (1904–1942), Chuang U-Chow (1907–1942), Teo Peck Ho, Lu Heng (1902–1961), Lai Wenji, Kau Chin Seng, Chen Chong Swee (1910–1985), Ling Tian and Hsu Chunlin, who then decided that membership should be open to those from Malaya and the Dutch East Indies. This led to the establishment of the Society of Chinese Artists in November 1935, which was formally registered in January the following year.
It became Singapore’s first visual arts organisation with a proper structure, with members responsible for a range of functions including publication. The first batch of office bearers included Tchang Ju Chi as president, Yong Mun Sen as vice-president, and other leading artists in various positions. The society planned to hold annual exhibitions, host visiting artists from abroad and invite them as special guest speakers. The Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, leading to an influx of Chinese artists and writers to Singapore. This enlarged the island’s cultural talent pool, and artistic standards went up. Works created at this time showed greater local content, while previous sojourner sentiments were much reduced.
The formation of the Society of Chinese Artists is particularly significant in the history of art education in Singapore. The society would be the precursor to the establishment of the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts in 1938. Such a development was no accident because most of the society’s members were school teachers — for instance, Tchang Ju Chi, Teo Peck Ho and Chen Chong Swee of Tuan Mong School; Yeh Chi Wei (1913–1981) of Chung Cheng High School; and Wu Tsai Yen (1911–2001) and Yan Zaisheng (birth and death years unknown) of Tao Nan School.
Apart from art associations and educational institutions, the media also played an important role. In the years leading up to the war, both Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh devoted much space to the coverage of activities and discourse related to art issues, especially in their art supplement or features sections. In this respect, editor Dai Yinlang (1906–1985), who became the features editor of Art Today in Nanyang Siang Pau’s Sunday supplement in 1937, stood out as a staunch champion of the arts. Dai, a versatile artist himself who worked in woodcut and watercolour, offered a platform for artists to publish their artworks, especially woodcuts and cartoons; and for artists and writers to engage in dialogue. Under his editorship, which lasted only about half a year, 24 weekly issues of the supplement were published. They had an enduring impact on art development in pre-war Singapore.
In the 1930s, Koh Cheng Foo (also known as Ma Ge or Marco Hsu, 1908–1993), an art critic and the principal of Ai Tong School, wrote regularly about art in Singapore for Nanyang Siang Pau. These articles, published between 1933 and 1936, were later collected in 1950 into a book entitled Nanyang Zhi Mei (The Beauty of Nanyang). The book celebrated the art, life and people of Nanyang, and refuted the oft-repeated comment about Singapore being a cultural desert or backwater. Koh published more than a dozen books on art, the best-known being Malaiya Yishu Jianshi (A Brief History of Malayan Art) which came out in 1963. This book was translated in 1999 by Dr Lai Chee Kien and became an important reference to students of Singapore art history. Koh’s writings between 1950 and 1963 expanded the Nanyang art discourse by shifting its focus from the Nanyang as imagined by the Nanyang Chinese (signified by his use of the term Nanyang qundao, or “Nanyang as a group of islands”) to the Malayan School of Painting (Malaiya hua pai). The latter signified a Malayan culture unifying all races rather than a Nanyang culture only for the Chinese.
“Nanyang character” (Nanyang secai), something which had been much discussed in literary circles since the early 1930s, appeared in the visual arts for the first time in the work of Tchang Ju Chi. When Tchang arrived from China in 1927, he immediately became active in education and art in Singapore, and developed a close association with Chen Lien Tsing (1907–1943) — the chief editor of Chinese newspaper supplement Yelin (Coconut Grove), who was advocating “Nanyang character” in literature. Tchang consciously worked “Nanyang character” into his paintings, such as Mila Yu Renna (Mila and Renna) and Manzai’ergui (Returning Fruitful) from his journey to Sumatra in 1934. Between 1936 and 1941, he was the president of the Society of Chinese Artists and an oil painting lecturer at the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts. The academy would be a fulcrum for the artistic community of Singapore and Malaya for most of the 20th century.
Then, the founding of Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts is to become another important milestone in Malayan art history.
Ini Indexs
The Mid-Autumn Festival, celebrated on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month, honours the cherished theme of reunion. It stands alongside Chinese New Year as one of the most significant festivals for the Chinese Singaporean community.
In the past, Chinese Singaporean families keenly observed the custom of praying to the moon on the night of the Mid-Autumn Festival. Each household would lay out a delectable spread of food offerings comprising mooncakes, yam, water caltrop, pomelo, and steaming cups of Chinese tea. Excitement filled the air as children weaved through the streets with lanterns in their hands. These lanterns typically depicted animal characters — specifically the 12 Chinese zodiac animals. The lanterns came in various forms: some were crafted from paper while others were structured from bamboo and wire frames, then wrapped with vibrant cellophane sheets. The traditional art of handcrafting these lanterns, however, is vanishing in Singapore today.
In Chinese culture, the pomelo symbolises reunion. It also carries a highly auspicious meaning — that of safeguarding one’s offspring. This stems from the similarities, in Mandarin, between the fruit’s name and the phrase “protecting one’s child”. The fragrant, succulent pomelos from Ipoh, Malaysia are especially popular among Singaporeans. Creating a pomelo lantern is a great way to celebrate the festival. Simply start by carefully peeling the pomelo to ensure the rind does not fall apart. Next, carve a few slits in the rind to allow oxygen to reach the flame. Place a small candle in the centre of the rind. Form small holes near the edges of the rind, then thread a thin rope through them to fashion a handle. Your pomelo lantern is ready to light the night.
With Singapore’s urban development transforming traditional villages into modern, high-rise buildings, the time-honoured ritual of praying to the moon during the Mid-Autumn Festival has waned. However, cosy gatherings among family and friends have since emerged and formed the core of today’s celebrations.
The celebrations of the 1980s were marked by grand displays of lanterns and light installations at the Chinese Garden. Today, this festive spirit has spread across the island, with central town areas being the primary hotspots. Their convenient access beckons both residents and tourists to enjoy the Mid-Autumn Festival celebrations. Gardens by the Bay is one such venue where crowds can marvel at the massive lanterns and illuminated sculptures. Equally fascinating is the festival light-up and opening ceremony in Chinatown. Traditional clan associations, or huiguan, also hold their own Mid-Autumn Festival celebrations. Likewise, the Sun Yat Sen Nanyang Memorial Hall hosts the Wan Qing Mid-Autumn Festival, adding a touch of festive charm to the neighbourhood celebrations.
The Mid-Autumn Festival as we know it today has seen various transformations throughout history. The term “mid-autumn” can be traced to the Chinese classic the Rites of Zhou. This ancient Chinese text documents that emperors once worshipped the sun in spring and the moon in autumn. The Book of Tang’s “Chronicle of Taizong”, further details the moon rituals held on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month. During the reign of the inaugural Tang Emperor Taizong, an era marked by peace and prosperity, the practice of praying to the moon flourished among the masses. A poignant verse by Tang poet Li Shangyin brings to life the tale of Chang’e, the lady of the moon. For stealing her husband Hou Yi’s elixir, Chang’e is condemned to an eternity of solitude in the moonlit night. By the Tang dynasty (618–907), this legend had firmly anchored itself in the collective imagination of the populace.
Mooncakes, which are central to the Mid-Autumn Festival, boast numerous origin tales. One such story recounts that on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month, Emperor Gaozu of Tang held a round cake towards the sky as he admired the moon’s beauty. Another narrative, from the zenith of the Tang dynasty, describes Emperor Xuanzong and his beloved consort, Yang Guifei, revelling in the moonlight while savouring cakes. Yang Guifei casually dubbed the cake a “mooncake”. Then, as if by magic, the term quickly spread throughout the realm.
Another narrative tracing the origins of mooncakes dates back to the waning years of the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). The tale centres on Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang’s strategic moves to overthrow the Yuan dynasty and lay the foundation for the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). According to legend, Zhu Yuanzhang had scheduled the rebellion for the 15th day of the eighth month. To communicate the plan discreetly, messages were ingeniously concealed within mooncakes and then distributed throughout the country. When the appointed day arrived, the rebels successfully toppled the Yuan dynasty. To commemorate this monumental victory, the tradition of eating mooncakes during the Mid-Autumn Festival took root and served as an enduring reminder of that pivotal moment in history.
By the late 1970s, the southern region of the Singapore River (known as Dapo1 or present-day South Bridge Road) had garnered fame for its mooncakes. Crowd favourites include the mooncakes by Tai Thong and Tai Chong Kok cake shops, as well as Tai Tong and Nam Tong restaurants. So popular was the demand that Tai Tong and Nam Tong had to suspend their Cantonese-style breakfast and lunch services a month ahead of the Mid-Autumn Festival to channel their full energies into mooncake production. During this period, the main flavours were white lotus paste and salted egg yolk. There were also varieties such as red bean paste and mixed nut mooncakes. The latter featured a blend of five nuts: almonds, walnuts, peanuts, sesame seeds, and melon seeds.
During the economic boom of the 1980s, the number of businesses in mooncake production increased, thus providing consumers with a wider array of choices. Intense market competition in the mooncake industry prompted hotels, restaurants, and eateries to enhance their marketing strategies by introducing exquisite mooncake gift boxes. Notably, certain restaurants launched the “Seven Stars with the Moon” premium gift box, featuring a central mooncake surrounded by seven smaller ones, mirroring the arrangement of stars encircling the full moon during mid-autumn.
Today’s consumers find themselves spoilt for choice amid the dazzling array of mooncake brands and flavours. Beyond the traditional baked mooncakes and delicate snow skin variants, a broad spectrum of flavours has captivated the market. These range from the rich taste of durian, the sweetness of red dates, and the creamy texture of yam to the nutty fragrances of mung bean and black sesame. Some mooncakes even feature premium ingredients such as dried scallops, dry-cured ham and barbecued pork. This expansive range of flavours is especially a hit with the younger demographic.
Amid labour shortages and rising business costs, a significant portion of the mooncakes on the market today are mass-produced. Every year, factories churn out and package hundreds of thousands of mooncakes according to the specifications provided by mooncake businesses.2 However, there remains a dedicated clientele for handmade mooncakes. There are old-school cake shops and confectioneries which remain committed to offering these artisanal treats, and their reach has been significantly widened by online sales and marketing. One notable initiative is the Yellow Ribbon Bakery in Changi Prison. This bakery not only imparts baking skills to ex-offenders, but also offers them a chance to produce mooncakes and other items for sale. It plays a crucial role in helping them reintegrate into society.3
Ini Indexs
The Singapore Buddhist Federation (SBF) was established in 1949 as an umbrella body to represent the Buddhist community in Singapore, and serve as a bridge between colonial authorities and various Buddhist institutions.1 On 31 July 1949, Lee Choon Seng (1888–1966), a prominent lay Buddhist and leader of the Chinese community, invited leaders from Buddhist temples in Singapore to discuss the formation of a federation to unite the Buddhist community. A few months later, on 30 October, the SBF was officially registered, starting with a management committee consisting of five monastics and five lay members. Lee was appointed the President, and Venerable Hong Choon (1907–1990), a prominent monk and abbot of Kong Meng San Phor Kark See Monastery, was elected the Vice-President of the federation.2 At the inaugural meeting of the SBF on 12 February 1950 at the Singapore Buddhist Lodge, Lee highlighted five guiding objectives of the SBF — to promote world peace, propagate the Dharma, expand Buddhist education, carry out welfare activities, and improve the quality of the Sangha.3
During Lee Choon Seng’s tenure as the President of the SBF from 1950 to 1964, the federation worked with the British colonial authorities to advocate the interests of the Chinese Buddhist community. The most significant achievement of SBF-led activism was to lobby for Vesak Day to be gazetted as a public holiday in Singapore. After several failed attempts by the federation, on 15 June 1955, David Marshall’s (1908–1995) Labour Front government declared Vesak Day a public holiday in place of Whit Monday.4
The SBF also lobbied the colonial government for approval to set up cemeteries for the Chinese Buddhist community. In September 1955 and February 1959, the federation petitioned the authorities to establish a Buddhist cemetery of 110 acres at 16 milestones along Choa Chu Kang Road. The SBF was permitted to set up the cemetery, as well as construct bridges, drains, roads, a Buddhist shrine, and a dining hall in the vicinity.5
During Singapore’s post-independence period (1965–present), the SBF began to adopt a different approach to Buddhist activism and Dharma activities. This shift can be attributed to two factors.
First, the change in leadership. Lee Choon Seng was the first and the last layperson to serve as the President of the SBF. After he completed his eighth term and retired in 1964, all the subsequent Presidents were Chinese monks from the Mahayana tradition — Hong Choon (served from 1964–1986), Kong Hiap (1986–1988), Siong Khye (1988–1990), Yiu Tam (1990–1992), Beow Teng (1992–1994), Long Gen (1994–2004), Wai Yim (2004–2006), Kwang Sheng (2006–2014), and Kwang Phing (2014–present).6
The second factor contributing to the SBF’s change in approach to Buddhist activism and Dharma activities was the emergence of “Reformist Buddhism” in Singapore. The changing socio-political and economic environment since the 1970s required Buddhism to cater to the modern needs of Buddhists, society, and the state.7 The rise of Reformist Buddhism, with its emphasis on promoting scriptural knowledge to the public, increasing participation, and proselytising the faith, resulted in members of the SBF becoming increasingly involved in propagating the Dharma, and promoting education in post-independence Singapore.
The SBF has always emphasised education. After it was established in 1949, the federation founded Maha Bodhi School, which became the first Buddhist primary school in Singapore. In 1990, Maha Bodhi School was accorded Special Assistance Plan status by the Ministry of Education. Then, in 1982, the SBF founded Manjusri Secondary School — the first and only Buddhist secondary school in Singapore. Both Maha Bodhi School and Manjusri Secondary School are currently government-aided schools, where funding is largely provided by the state, and the SBF helps the schools to raise additional funds for supplementary school activities and campus facilities.
The SBF also played a role in fostering Buddhist exchanges between Singapore and China in the period before the official establishment of diplomatic ties between both countries in 1990. The second President of the SBF, Venerable Hong Choon, made eight visits to China between 1982 and 1990, where he met with national leaders such as China’s Vice President Ulanfu (1906–1988), as well as with Buddhist leaders from the Buddhist Association of China. During these visits to China, Hong Choon also made pilgrimages to sacred Buddhist sites, helped restore the monasteries associated with his master Venerable Huiquan (1874–1942), and officiated at religious ceremonies at numerous monasteries.8 Buddhist relations between the two countries have survived the death of Venerable Hong Choon, and have in recent decades continued to flourish.
The SBF today remains an important national association in representing the Singaporean Buddhist community. It also promotes education and international religious exchanges, and fosters dialogue between Buddhists and other faiths in Singapore.
Ini Indexs
The anglicised name of Singapore was standardised as early as the 19th century. Its Chinese translations had varied and some coexisted till the 1970s. Among them, the most common ones are 新嘉坡 and 新加坡. They are both pronounced as Xinjiapo, but have different Chinese characters representing the character “jia”.
The name 新嘉坡 first appeared in 1835, 16 years after the founding of modern Singapore. In 1834, Ira Tracy (1806–1875), a missionary from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, established the American Mission Press in Singapore. The following year, the Press printed the first booklet written by Tracy, which was titled Yapian su gai wen (Incentives to abandon opium) and had the words 新嘉坡书院藏板 (Xinjiapo shuyuan cang ban, or “printed by Singapore College Press”) on the title page. This is the earliest documented evidence of the Chinese term 新嘉坡 for Singapore.1 After 1836, the title page of the Press’s publications printed 新嘉坡坚夏书院藏板 (Xinjiapo jian xia shuyuan cang ban, or “printed by Singapore American Mission Press”) instead.
According to Han dynasty scholar Xu Shen’s Shuowen jiezi (Explaining graphs and analysing charcaters), 嘉 (jia) means “beautiful” or “excellent”. The word 坡 (po), according to Southeast Asian historian Hsu Yun Tsiao (1905–1981), is considered a misinterpretation of 埠 (bu), which means port. Therefore, 新嘉坡 can be interpreted as “New Beautiful Port”, an elegant translation that reflects the significance of the founding of Singapore as a port city.
Due to the widespread distribution of books and publications by missionaries, the name 新嘉坡 quickly became popular locally. For about half a century afterwards, this translated name dominated. In official notices, monumental inscriptions,2 and announcements in Chinese newspapers, the colonial authorities used it as the name for Singapore.
From 1850, the Chinese community also mostly continued to use 新嘉坡 as the name for Singapore, including for inscriptions on temples and association plaques, petitions submitted to the government, and in newspapers.
Around the same year that the translated name 新嘉坡 emerged, the name 新加坡 appeared in China. Ye Zhongjin3, a resident of Guangzhou, wrote Yingjili guo yiqing jilue (Brief record of occurrences relating to English barbarians). When discussing the establishment of trading posts by the British East India Company in India and Southeast Asia, he said this of the company:
When opportunities arose, it stationed warships armed with cannons at strategic locations, appointing foreigners as supervisors and collecting import and export duties. It successively acquired places such as Menglajia 孟剌甲 (Malacca), Xindipo 新地坡 (a transliteration of “Singapore”), and Xinjiapo (Singapore).4
As Chinese books and publications from the Singapore American Mission Press circulated in China, the name 新嘉坡 travelled across the seas to China. In 1841, when Qing dynasty scholar Wei Yuan (1794–1857) compiled the Haiguo tuzhi (Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms), there were books from the American Mission Press and works by Ye Zhongjin on his desk. He thus used the term 新嘉坡 from the American Mission Press’s title page in his book, along with the term 新加坡 from Ye Zhongjin’s writings. As a result, these two translated names began to circulate in China. Qing dynasty officials’ reports to the throne, imperial decrees, and the works of scholars and the literati sometimes adopted 新嘉坡, and at other times used 新加坡.
In the late 1880s, due to visits by Qing dynasty officials and Chinese scholars to Singapore, the term 新加坡 was brought to Singapore from China. It was accepted by the local Chinese community and gradually began to appear in inscriptions and newspapers.5
Having multiple translated names for one place is not an uncommon occurrence. In the 1920s and 30s, The Commercial Press and Chung Hwa Book Company in Shanghai published dictionaries of place and person names. They standardised the translated name for Singapore as 新加坡, thus removing the use of 新嘉坡. However, these two translated names continued to coexist and were commonly used for more than 90 years in Singapore.
It was not until 25 April 1972 that the Committee on the Standardisation of Chinese Translations of Names of Government Departments and Statutory Bodies established by the Ministry of Culture in Singapore decided to officially adopt 新加坡 as the standardised Chinese name for the country.6 From then onwards, 新嘉坡, which had been used for more than 130 years, gradually faded and became a historical name.
Ini Indexs
Singapore’s two earliest television channels, Channel 5 and Channel 8, started broadcasting on a regular basis in April and November 1963 respectively. They ran programmes in the four official languages: Malay (20%), Chinese (including dialects) (35%), English (35%), and Tamil (10%).1 In 1973, Channel 5 started to broadcast programmes in English and Malay, while Channel 8 carried programmes in Chinese and Tamil. The programmes in different languages scheduled by Radio and Television Singapore (RTS) reflected Singapore’s multilingual and multi-racial society.2
On 17 July 1963, Channel 5 aired a three-act play lasting about one-and-a-half hours titled The Imposters: A Chinese Comedy. It was broadcast at 9:35 pm,4 after having been pre-recorded that afternoon by the Singapore Television Drama Society. This was the first Chinese television drama produced in Singapore. Another breakthrough came on 18 September 1968. Starting that evening, Channel 8 aired the drama Affection over four consecutive Wednesdays. This was RTS’ attempt “to shoot a production applying television drama serial methods and techniques”.4
October 1969 saw the premiere of My Neighbours, Singapore’s first television anthology series based on HDB life.5 In late 1971, The Spice of Life, another anthology series drawing on local life, was aired on television.6 In May 1974, the serial The Orchid by the Riverbank was launched in the same slot as The Spice of Life. This was followed by a 10-episode serial titled The Return, the second locally-produced serial,7 in March 1976.
While it developed television serials, RTS also launched Chinese children’s television drama serials starting from 1973.8 After Brother and Sister (1973)9, Young Neighbour (1974)10, Schoolmates (1974)11, The Young Ones (1975)12, Happy Families (1976)13, Toa Payoh, My Hometown (1977)14, The More We Get Together (1977)15, With Loving Care (1978)16 and others were aired. The 26-episode Toa Payoh, My Hometown, written by Marcus Chin and directed by Li Mingfen, is still talked about and remembered by many people who grew up in the 1970s.
In addition to Chinese dramas, locally-produced programmes had two other major highlights. The first — launched by the Central Production Unit, a department that publicised state policies for the government — was a series of Chinese television debate shows that began in 1968. It sparked debate fever in the local Chinese community for about 20 years.
The second was variety shows, launched at the end of the 1960s, which featured mainly singing, dancing and comedy skits. Huayue Liangxiao (A Beautiful Evening) and Sharp Night were among the most talked-about programmes. Variety shows gave talented local singers such as Lena Lim, Chang Siao Ying, and Sakura Teng, as well as beloved dialect comedians Wang Sha (1925–1998) and Ye Feng (1932–1995), the opportunity to perform outside of usual venues such as getai or nightclubs and be recognised by a wider audience in Singapore.
Although RTS managed to produce the above programmes, resources invested in local productions were limited. Drama serials were still in black and white, even though RTS had started colour broadcasting in 1974. Among industry practitioners — director and assistant director excepted — actors and scriptwriters took part in the scene on an amateur basis. Thus began the first generation of local television actors. Many of them later became professional television personalities: Chen Shucheng, Steven Woon, Lee Eng Choo, Marcus Chin, Xiang Yun, and Jack Neo.17
The majority of programmes targeted at the Chinese community during this period were thus films or television shows from Hong Kong and Taiwan, which were often in Cantonese and Hokkien. In 1979, in response to the Speak Mandarin Campaign, RTS, as a government department, set a schedule for its programmes to be “completely dialect-free”.18 This set the language direction for Singapore’s next big push for locally-produced programmes.
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Singapore Chinese literature has developed through several periods in Singapore’s history, including when the island was a British colony, and then a part of Malaysia, before finally gaining independence in 1965. The earliest Chinese literature in Singapore can be traced back to the late 19th century when envoys, educators, and journalists from the Qing government in China arrived in Singapore, establishing Chinese schools and newspapers (such as the first daily newspaper, Lat Pau, in 1881).
The most famous writers among them were Huang Tsun-hsien (1848–1905) and Khoo Seok Wan (1874–1941). Huang, who was appointed consul-general by the Qing government to serve in Singapore from 1891 to 1894, created local multicultural classical poetry, while Khoo, who arrived in Singapore in 1881, wrote 1,400 classical poems, becoming the most important pioneering poet in the local scene.
The emergence of vernacular literature in Singapore is closely related to the 1917 New Culture Movement in China. At that time, information exchange between China and Singapore saw an improvement, and more Chinese literati began arriving in Singapore from the 1910s onwards. Significant events in China, such as the May Fourth Movement, had an impact on Singapore Chinese literature, inspiring literary forms such as “New Fiction” and “New Poetry” which were written in vernacular Chinese and influenced by Western literary styles. The literary supplement of the Sin Kuo Min Jit Poh, Sin Kuo Min Magazine, became the first newspaper advocating for vernacular literature in 1919, and published literary works imitating Chinese New Literature classics.
During the late 1920s, there were signs of a thematic shift in Singapore Chinese literature. Immigrant literature became local literature, with themes such as zhuzai — which refers to people who were sold to become labourers between the end of the Qing dynasty and the early years of the Republic of China — and local education beginning to emerge. Chinese newspaper editors began advocating literature with local flavour, with newspaper supplements such as Huangdao (Wasteland), founded in 1927, particularly emphasising Southeast Asian influences, and Yelin (Coconut Grove), adhering to an editorial policy of “limiting all descriptions to life and scenery in Southeast Asia”.
During World War II, “Resistance Literature”, characterised by realism, dominated the literary scene in both China and Singapore. After the end of the war, anti-colonial sentiments began to take root. Singapore Chinese writers who were gradually settling down found their footing by writing about local life, and accepted Singapore as their permanent home. Miao Xiu (1920–1980) used Cantonese in his novel Xinjiapo wuding xia (Under Singapore’s Roof), involving coconut groves, palm trees, coolies, and rubber workers, which were vastly different from the earlier “immigrant literature”. Zhao Rong (1920–1988), on the other hand, incorporated dialects and Malay into his novel Ah Zai de gushi (Ah Zai’s Story), which became a characteristic feature of Singapore Chinese literature, inspiring the key term “uniqueness of Malayan Chinese literature” after World War II.
After Singapore’s independence in 1965, the term “Singapore Chinese Literature” was coined by Wong Meng Voon in 1970. In the late 1960s, the trend was modernist writing. The first generation of post-independence writers such as Lin Fang, Wong Meng Voon, Wong Yoon Wah, Dan Ying, Zhang Hui, Tan Swie Hian (whose pen name was Mu Ling Nu), and Yeng Pway Ngon (1947–2021) were influenced by the modernist movement in Taiwan, especially due to the difficulty of importing books from China after the Cultural Revolution. With the enthusiastic participation of writers, journalists, and readers, Singapore Chinese literature flourished in the 1970s and 1980s. During this period, there were over 50 Chinese literary journals and dozens of literary supplements.
The second generation of writers, such as You Jin, Soon Ai Ling, Lin Gao, Quek Yong Siu, Ai Yu, Xi Ni Er, and Chia Joo Ming, were mainly born in the 1950s and can be characterised by their involvement in various literary genres. Apart from playing with highly experimental forms and structures, these writers, who lived in the rapidly developing society of the 1970s and 1980s, emphasised humanistic care.
During this time, two of the most important Chinese literary groups emerged: the Singapore Association of Writers (founded in 1970) and the Singapore Literature Society (founded in 1980). Both are still active today.
The third generation of writers, born around 1965, such as Liang Wern Fook, Chua Chim Kang, Denon Lim Denan, Wu Yeow Chong, Chow Teck Seng, Tan Chee Lay, and Wong Koi Tet, received bilingual education or worked in bilingual environments. Consequently, their works were influenced by multiculturalism, including Chinese classical literature, Taiwanese folk songs, Western classics, and traditional Southeast Asian arts.
From the 1980s, micro-fiction became popular in the fast-paced Singapore society, with highly experimental language and forms, such as Wong Meng Voon’s An le wo (Nest of Bliss) and Zhang Hui’s 45.45 Huiyi jimi (45.45 Conference Confidential), attracting the attention of international critics and even becoming a focus of research.
After the 21st century, younger writers such as Lin Rongchan and Chen Weibiao have been using online platforms to publish their works. New literary groups, including the Hetero Poetry Club, TrendLit Society, Society of Literature Writing, and Sgwritings, have also attracted new immigrants from China, injecting vitality into the Singapore Chinese literary scene. Looking ahead, there is still plenty of room for development in Singapore Chinese literature, which will further highlight its multicultural linguistic characteristics.
Ini Indexs
The term “Cantonese music” originally encompassed Cantonese opera music, traditional narrative singing such as Namyaam, and in its narrow sense, Chinese instrumental music originated from Guangdong province.1 In a broader sense, however, it can refer to music from the Guangdong province of China — including Cantonese music, Teochew music and Hakka music.2 When discussing instrumental music, the terms “Cantonese music” (yue yue 粤乐) and “Guangdong music” (Guangdong yinyue 广东音乐) are largely interchangeable.
Cantonese opera music, tunes (xiaoqu) and pop songs incorporated many popular shidaiqu — “songs of the era” which had originated in Shanghai from the 1930s to 1950s.3 A key example would be Lovesick Tears, a 1972 pop song by Singaporean singer Lisa Wong. Its melody came from Four Seasons of Lovesickness (1940), a shidaiqu sung by Zhou Xuan (1920–1957).4 The lyrics of Wong’s song were written by Malaysian singer Kok Peng Kin (1933–2015). They were direct and accessible, and made use of old Cantonese colloquialisms (“You left with no explanation for the betrayal…Why did you not write any letters?”) that gave it a flavour reminiscent of the earlier decades of the 20th century.
Although the shidaiqu Four Seasons of Lovesickness was sung in Mandarin, the accompaniment featured mainly instruments that were commonly used in Cantonese music — including the stringed gaohu, and woodwinds such as houguan, dizi, and saxophone. The musicians also performed in the style of Cantonese music,5with the gaohu sounding like it could have been played by famous musician Lü Wencheng (1898–1981).6
In contrast, Wong’s Lovesick Tears used only Western instruments such as the electric guitar, electronic keyboard, and jazz drums. Wong did not employ the falsetto used in Cantonese opera or operatic songs, but chose to sing in the style of general pop songs. She also used vibrato, a technique popular among Taiwanese Chinese singers then, while sustaining long notes. Only her pronunciation and tone of voice were closer to Cantonese music.
Neither Kok, Cheng Kam Cheong (1941–2019), nor the numerous female singers who later covered Lovesick Tears had as far-reaching an impact as Wong did in her 1972 version.7
The Cantonese spoken by the Chinese community in Southeast Asia in the 1970s was similar to what was used two generations ago in Hong Kong, as heard in Cantonese movies from the 1940s and 1950s. Wong had learned her Cantonese lyrics using English phonetics,8 and her pronunciation was somewhat exaggerated and weepy in diction. Her accent, tone, and vocalisations, as well as Kok’s lyrics, created a Cantonese flavour that allowed listeners to reminisce and reimagine a soundscape of oldies — as well as an older form of spoken Cantonese — from two generations ago. It evoked memories of the early 1900s.
The success of Wong’s Lovesick Tears came after Singapore artiste Seong Koon Low Won’s (1922–2002) hit song Can’t Buy Me Love from the 1960s, whose melody came from the Beatles song of the same name. They are examples of Nanyang Cantonese pop songs which made waves in the Hong Kong music scene — reflecting how the Cantonese cultures of Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia were closely related and influenced one another after 1949 and into the early 1970s.