Ini Indexs
Singapore’s Hakkas have been active in community and cultural activities since the early years of modern Singapore. According to research by Hakka studies scholar Li Xiaoyan, before 1819, there were relatively few Chinese residents on the island. It was only after the British initiated development and construction that a large number of Chinese labourers began to migrate to Singapore from neighbouring regions. Li notes that in 1822, the Ying Fo Fui Kun and the Wui Chiu Fui Kun clan associations were established by the Hakkas in Singapore, which indicates that there were already a significant number of Hakka immigrants then.
From the mid-19th century onwards, more Hakka clan associations, and community-based organisations were established.
Although the Hakkas make up just one-tenth of Singapore’s total Chinese population, their rich culture stands out. Hakka folk songs and traditional operas are the most well-known musical activities of the Hakkas. In the 1930s, many Hakka farmers on Pulau Tekong would often entertain themselves with mountain songs. Such scenes are depicted in the novel Liannian degang qing (Fond memories of Tekong), written by Chong Han (Choo See Kau).1Additionally, in the 1950s, Singapore amusement parks such as Happy World (renamed Gay World after 1966) hosted Hakka mountain song events, which reportedly drew enthusiastic participation from many members of the public.2
Based on research conducted by the author, in the 1940s and 1950s, local Hakka community organisations and record companies in Singapore released Hakka folk songs and traditional opera records. For example, in the 1940s, the Nanyang Hakka Federation’s Chinese traditional music ensemble (now Han Music Ensemble) released records of Waijiang Opera (later known as Guangdong Han Opera), such as Yeyi shenzhou (Remembering China at Night), Yetang chun (Spring Night in the Hall), and Wutai shan (Mount Wutai).
In addition, in the 1950s, Horse Brand Records released Hakka operas in albums such as Zhu yingtai chushi, liangzhu aishi (The Birth of Zhu Ying Tai, The Tragic Love Story of Zhu Ying Tai and Liang Shan Bo) and Yingtai ruxue (Ying Tai Goes to School), as well as Hakka folk songs records like Fa da cai (Making a Fortune), Mofan fuqi (Model Couple), Songlang guofan ge (Seeing My Darling Off to Overseas), and The Emei yue (Emei Moon).
According to Lian Yoong Ser, advisor to the Nanyang Hakka Federation Chinese Orchestra, the Hakka community in the 1950s regularly organised traditional opera events. During the Lunar New Year, Han musical groups visited the homes of the elderly to play stringed instruments and sing Han operas as part of the celebrations. Ying Fo Fui Kun also hired ensembles to perform during spring and autumn’s collective ancestral worship.
With the introduction of dialect radio programmes in Singapore in the mid-20th century, Hakka folk songs and operas began to appear in the mass media. In the 1960s, cable radio station Rediffusion, and Radio Singapore’s Chinese stations, both broadcast Hakka folk songs. The former also featured Hakka storytelling programmes.3
From the 1970s, the Singapore government initiated a bilingual policy with a focus on English and Mandarin. This resulted in restrictions on the use of Chinese dialects and music performances in public domains. The rise of new forms of entertainment such as television and movies also resulted in the decline of traditional Hakka folk songs and operas in the community.
In 1980, the government began to emphasise cultural development, with a focus on various art forms including Chinese orchestra and Western classical music. The Nanyang Hakka Federation adapted to this trend, and in 1982, a Chinese orchestra was jointly founded by Zhang Bingzhao, Lian Yoong Ser, and Yap Yew Kei. In 1987, a choir was established by Ko Gim Poh. Since 2000, influenced by interactions with other Hakka cultural groups from different regions, such as the Guangdong Han Opera Troupe, the Han opera music enthusiasts in Singapore began experimenting with ethnic instruments to perform traditional Han opera music. In 2012, they came together to form the Nanyang Hakka Federation Han Music Ensemble.
Starting in the early years of the 21st century, interactions between Singapore’s Hakka song groups and professional performers from China, Taiwan, and Malaysia inspired Hakka associations in Singapore to establish their own singing groups. In 2002, initiated by Liang Zhaohui and Chong Chow Yin, the Ying Fo Fui Kun formed a mountain song class. In 2004, Chia Sei Kong established the Char Yong (Dabu) Association Hakka Singing Class, which later evolved into the Char Yong Hakka Choir in 2013. More groups would follow — the Foong Shoon Fui Kuan Hakka Singing Class (founded in 2007 by Chong Chin Hin); Hakka singing class of the Hakka Wong Association’s (founded in 2007 by Wong Chee Keong); Nanyang Hakka Federation Folk Song Group (founded in 2008 by Ko Gim Poh); the Chia (Pow Soo) Hakka Clan Association’s Hakka Singing Group (founded in 2012 by Chia Sei Kong); Char Yong (Dabu) Hakka Singing Group (founded in 2013 by Lee Yong Tick); Bukit Panjang Khek Community Guild Hakka Singing Class (founded in 2014 by Richard Kok); and a new singing group co-organised by members of the Hopo Corporation and the Hakka Wong Association in 2022.
These associations and singing groups not only passed on Hakka songs from various regions through their own activities, but also encouraged new local compositions. They have also collaborated in organising Hakka song appreciation events which started in 2004 and was in its 13th edition as of 2023.
Hakka Christians in Singapore have incorporated Hakka language into their church services and hymns and gospel songs. For example, since its establishment in 2006, the Singapore Hakka Methodist Church’s Hakka Choir translated traditional hymns and worship songs into Hakka. They also sang newly-composed hymns and gospel songs with Hakka lyrics as well as popular songs which resonated with the congregation, such as Gongjian meihao xinjiayuan (Building a Beautiful New Home Together).4
In summary, music serves not only as a significant means for Singapore’s Hakka community to express its cultural distinctiveness, but also as a vital medium for responding to life experiences and showcasing creative expression. From mountain songs, traditional operas, and instrumental music to hymns and gospel songs, the musical activities of Singapore’s Hakka community exhibit the uniqueness of the local cultural context. They also reflect the life journey of the Hakkas people, characterised by interethnic, interregional, and intercultural exchanges.
Ini Indexs
Yueh Hai Ching Temple (or Wak Hai Cheng Bio) in Phillip Street is the oldest and most representative of Singapore’s many Teochew temples. Built by Teochew immigrants from South China who had sailed to Singapore for business, the ancient temple started out as a shrine to the sea goddess Mazu. The exact year the shrine was founded is unknown, although inscriptions on lintels inside the temple suggest it was built before 1826.
After Teochew immigrants reached Singapore, they usually visited the temple to thank Mazu for a safe journey, as well as pray for blessings and protection. Besides Mazu, the temple is also dedicated to the deity Xuan Tian Shang Di (Highest Heavenly Deity), whom the Teochews address reverently as Tua Lao Ya (The Great Lord).1
Yueh Hai Ching Temple quickly became the centre of faith for the local Teochews. It was managed by Ngee Ann Kongsi from 1845 onwards and rebuilt from 1852 to 1855 with funds from the Teochews in Singapore. The temple, which was gazetted as a national monument in 1996, has gone through several renovations over the years. In 2014, it won the Award of Merit in the UNESCO Asia-Pacific Heritage Awards for Cultural Heritage Conservation.
The building reflects traditional Teochew architectural features. For example, its roof features colourful ceramic figurines — of dragons and Chinese legendary figures — adorned with porcelain shards using a method known as jian nian (“cut and paste”). The temple also houses many cultural relics of historical value, including incense burners, couplets, plaques, decorative clappers, bronze copper bells, honour guard plaques, and stone tablets. A gilded plaque bestowed by the Qing dynasty’s Guangxu Emperor in 1896, with the words shu hai xiang yun (“auspicious cloud above the sea at dawn”), is a particularly treasured item.
The third day of the third month on the lunar calendar is the birthday of Tua Lao Ya, and the 23rd day of that month is the birthday of Mazu. Yueh Hai Ching Temple celebrates these occasions with theatrical performances and festivities. In the early days, the deities’ procession (yah lao ya) and festivities from the 10th to 12th months of the lunar calendar were the most important religious activities of the ancient temple, and the area around the temple would be packed with people. Besides Teochew devotees, other dialect groups like the Cantonese, Hakka, and Hainanese also participated in this grand event. The Teochew community dedicated significant labour and resources to turn the annual deities’ procession into a community festival that was celebrated by everyone. This met the religious and spiritual needs of many immigrants.
As the number of Teochew immigrants increased, Yueh Hai Ching Temple grew increasingly popular. From 1912, the temple contributed its surplus funds from offerings to the Tuan Mong school set up by the Teochew community, extending the ancient temple’s social role to educational causes.
The Teochew community also used the temple festivities and gatherings as opportunities to strengthen their bonds, foster a sense of unity, exchange employment information, and facilitate business connections. The ancient temple became a hub for activities within the Teochew community and a symbol of the spirit of unity and mutual assistance among the Teochew people in Singapore.
Even though it belonged to the Teochew people, Yueh Hai Ching Temple transcended clan boundaries from the very start, opening its doors to devotees of different backgrounds. The temple still displays plaques which were dedicated by individuals from various dialect groups such as Cantonese, Hakka, and Hainanese in the early years.
Before the Teochews established their clan associations, Yueh Hai Ching Temple was the Teochew community’s institution for arbitration. Additionally, before the establishment of the Singapore Kwangtung Hui Kuan, if a significant incident happened within the Chinese community, leaders in the overseas Chinese community usually convened meetings under the banner of Yueh Hai Ching Temple, gathering representatives from various counties of the Guangdong province. These gatherings would address external affairs related to the regions.
Yueh Hai Ching Temple, with the strong backing of Teochew clans, played a significant role in connecting, uniting, and leading Guangdong province-associated clans in the early years of Chinese immigration to Singapore. The temple served as a unifying force among those clans, contributing in a way to the integration and coordination of different dialects groups from the Guangdong region.
Today, Yueh Hai Ching Temple continues to attract many visitors and devotees. Annual celebrations such as Tua Lao Ya’s Birthday, Mazu’s Birthday, and traditional festivals like Chinese New Year and the Mid-Autumn Festival draw crowds of people who offer prayers and seek blessings for peace and prosperity. The ancient temple continues to fulfil its role as a place of worship and remains a landmark for Singapore’s Teochew community today.
Ini Indexs
In the early years, most of the Teochew immigrants who had settled in Singapore were labourers who had travelled to the country alone to seek a living. Faced with harsh living conditions, they often had to confront the threats of illness and death. Many of these impoverished immigrants had little hope of returning to their hometown to spend their final days. As there were very few public cemeteries for Teochews in Singapore at the time, and many burial sites and communal cemeteries were owned by Christian or Muslim organisations, the issue of ensuring a proper burial in a foreign land was a pressing concern for many early Teochew immigrants.
In around 1830, wealthy Teochew businessman Seah Eu Chin (1805–1883) rallied representatives of the 12 major surname groups from the Teochew community to donate money to establish Ngee Ann Kun (later renamed Ngee Ann Kongsi). The association was tasked with raising funds to purchase land for Teochew immigrants to use as burial grounds.
Ngee Ann Kongsi first bought a 70-acre piece of land between Orchard Road, Paterson Road, and Grange Road from the British East India Company in 1845 for that purpose. The site — where the Ngee Ann City shopping and office complex now sits — was originally a pepper and gambier plantation belonging to a Teochew man named Lin Taishan (birth and death years unknown). The cemetery was thus named Tai Shan Ting.
After that, the Kongsi went on to acquire more land to use as cemeteries for the Teochews. These included Kwong Eng Suah (about 45 acres) between Balestier Road and Thomson Road, Kwong Yik Suah (about 45 acres) at Upper Serangoon Road, Kwong Hou Suah (36 acres) at Bukit Panjang Road, Kwong Siu Suah (99 acres) at Bukit Timah Road where Ngee Ann Polytechnic now sits, and Kwong Ying Suah (about one acre) at Mata Ikan in Changi. In 1933, the government also handed over the management of the Teochew cemetery Kwong Teck Suah (about 79 acres) at Sembawang Road to Ngee Ann Kongsi. In 1961, the Kongsi established a Teochew funeral parlour at Upper Serangoon Road near Kwong Yik Suah.
Starting from the 1950s, due to urban redevelopment and housing development plans, these cemeteries and the funeral parlour were requisitioned by the government for the construction of highways, housing, schools, hospitals, MRT stations, and other community facilities. There were about 34,000 remains that had been removed from the various burial sites and left unclaimed. Ngee Ann Kongsi then leased a 6ha plot of land from the government for the long term at the former site of Kwong Teck Suah, and built a Teochew communal cemetery (now Teochew Memorial Park) to house these remains and ashes. Public memorial ceremonies and services were also regularly held with the participation of other Teochew community organisations.
Ngee Ann Kongsi also built a modern funeral parlour at Ubi Road 4 in 1989, and made it available to people outside of the Teochew community. The opening of this new funeral parlour and the communal cemetery reflects how the Kongsi continues to serve its original objective of providing after-death services for the Teochew community.
The traditional practice of Chinese burials has been replaced by cremation in Singapore, but there is still a concern for having places to enshrine ancestral ashes, make offerings, and hold ceremonies for the deceased. To cope with the increasing demand, Teochew charitable halls also offer spaces for longevity tablets, ancestral tablets, and cremation urns, and regularly make collective offerings during the eight important Chinese festivals — namely Chinese New Year, Yuan Xiao Jie (15th day of Chinese New Year), Qing Ming Festival, Dragon Boat Festival (Duan Wu Festival), Hungry Ghost Festival, Mid-Autumn Festival, Winter Solstice and Chinese New Year’s Eve.
Many Teochew families maintain the practice of placing all the ancestral tablets and urns of deceased family members with the same charitable organisation; this is similar to the tradition of burying all departed members of the extended family in the same cemetery. Even though the practices have changed, the traditional rituals and the spirit of filial piety in honouring one’s ancestors continue to be passed down within the Teochew community.
Ini Indexs
Chinese literature in Singapore can be traced back to classical poems and essays written by the Chinese literati who travelled south during the late Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China. Among them were Tso Ping Lung (1850–1924), Huang Tsun-hsien (1848–1905), Yang Yunshi (1875–1941), Xiao Yatang (birth and death years unknown), Khoo Seok Wan (1874–1941), and Yeh Chih Yun (1859–1921). These writers were subjects of the Qing Empire — officials and traditional scholars — who saw themselves as sojourners. While they sometimes depicted the local customs of Nanyang (Southeast Asia), their observations were from a China (Central Plains)-centric perspective and tended towards exoticisation.
Singapore Chinese writers only started to pursue a keener sense of the local in their writing from 1927. That year, the supplement sections of local newspapers, such as Huangdao (Desolate Island) in Sin Kuo Min Press, Yelin (Coconut Grove) in Lat Pau, and the Wenyi zhoukan (Literary Weekly) in Nanyang Siang Pau, published articles by Zhang Jinyan (1901–1981), Chen Lien Tsing (1907–1943), Zeng Shengti (1901–1982), and Huang Zhengfu (birth and death years unknown). They argued that Chinese writers who had travelled south should not return to a China-centric perspective, but instead cultivate a local consciousness — depicting Nanyang perspectives and growing the local culture and arts scene.
In 1934, Fei Ming (Qiu Shizhen, 1905–1993) also published an article in the Shisheng (Sound from the Lion City) supplement of Nanyang Siang Pau, stating that writers in Singapore and Malaya need not conform to the literary trends of Shanghai. Rather, they should focus on Malayan culture. He emphasised the creative work of “local writers” and listed some of them, sparking enthusiastic responses. In 1936, Zeng Aidi (1912–1986) and Wen Xiang (birth and death years unknown) published articles such as “Cartoons of the Malayan literary circle” and “Recognition of the current stage of cultural work in Malaya”, focusing on the concept of “Malaya” in Singapore and Malayan literature. They disagreed with how the Chinese literary circle in Malaya had the tendency to follow the formalism of literature of China. They hoped that the Chinese writers in the region would instead pay more attention to local subjects and the lives of people in Malaya.
From the second half of 1947 to April 1948, there was a major debate in the literary circles of Singapore and Malaya on the uniqueness of Chinese literary arts in Malaya, as well as the literary arts of the overseas Chinese (qiaomin wenyi). Zhou Rong’s (1912–1988) two articles, “On Chinese literary arts in Malaya” and “On overseas Chinese literary arts”, sparked significant controversy in the community.
Zuo Ding (1922–1969), Miao Xiu (1920–1980), Zhao Rong (1920–1987), Tie Ge (1923–1948), Hai Lang (birth and death years unknown), and others supported Zhou’s views on the uniqueness of Chinese literary arts in Malaya. They emphasised the use of local material, identification with Malaya, as well as a realist approach to writing that reflected a sense of the times and displayed a social consciousness. Literary historians Fang Xiu (1922–2010) and Miao Xiu believed this debate awakened the national consciousness of writers, deepening the local flavour of Chinese literature in Singapore and Malaya.
In 1956, writers such as Mu Chunchi (Sun Xi, 1937–2023), Du Hong, Chen Fan, and Ma Fen advocated “patriotic literature” and the “popularisation of literature”. They believed that writers should pay attention to the changing times, concern themselves with the everyday people of Malaya, express patriotic sentiments, push for Singapore’s independence, and find engaging ways to depict social issues of the era.
After Singapore separated from Malaysia and gained independence in 1965, local Chinese literature began to diverge from Malaysian Chinese literature. It became known as “Singapore Chinese literature”.
In 1982, Ong Teng Cheong (1936–2002), Singapore’s then-Minister for Communications, introduced the concept of nation-building literature at an exhibition on the literary history of Singapore-Malaysia Chinese literature organised by the Aljunied Creative Writing and Translation Group. He encouraged Singapore writers to actively contribute to nation-building, promote social development, and strengthen national identity. The initiative sparked strong interest among cultural and educational workers, prompting them to contribute articles to newspapers and offer suggestions. Nanyang Siang Pau collaborated with the Singapore Association of Writers to release a six-volume series titled Wutu wumin Chuangzuo xuan (Selected Works of My Country and My People), which encompassed literary genres such as novels, dramas, poetry, essays, and lyrics.
Against the backdrop of globalisation, writing about local phenomena, historical themes, and customs helps reinforce a sense of national identity. Today, with Singapore’s growing prominence internationally, Singapore Chinese writers’ pursuit of localisation has grown more intense.
Ini Indexs
Born in Fuzhou, China, Yeh Chi Wei (1913–1981) spent his childhood in Sibu, Sarawak, where his family made a living by clearing forests to grow rubber trees and various crops. In 1925, Yeh returned to Fuzhou to further his studies. Due to his strong interest in art, Yeh eventually enrolled to study Western painting at Xinhua Academy of Fine Arts in Shanghai, despite his father’s objections. After graduating in 1936, Yeh left for Singapore at the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War. After getting married and starting a family, Yeh worked as an art teacher in various schools in Sibu, Malaya and Singapore, and eventually settled down with his family in Singapore.
Yeh was a significant figure in Singapore’s 20th century modern art scene. First, he was an important art educator who formed part of the early cohort of professionally-trained artists who taught art to many young students in Singapore and Malaya from the early to mid-20th-century. Yeh’s impact was felt especially during his tenure at Chung Cheng High School in Singapore in the 1950s and 1960s. His former students recalled that he was a stern teacher with high standards. To encourage talented students who were keen to further their interest in art, Yeh helped set up the Chung Cheng High School Art Society in 1953, which organised regular art competitions and annual art exhibitions.
Second, Yeh was acknowledged as an influential leader of an informal collective of local artists known as the Ten Men Group. In the 1960s, this group made frequent trips to Southeast Asian countries and organised group exhibitions after their trips. Many of them were drawn to the local cultures of the countries they visited, which later became subjects of their paintings. At the time, it was unprecedented in Malaya for a large group of artists to organise themselves for overseas trips and then hold a thematic exhibition after each trip. It was even more remarkable that they did so over a sustained period, organising six trips and five exhibitions in less than a decade.1 The scale and sustained regularity of these trips and exhibitions was noteworthy, considering that travel was still a luxury in those days for most people, and considerable resources were needed to organise art exhibitions. Through his leadership of the Ten Men Group, Yeh went on to establish the Southeast Asian Art Association in 1970 (which, in itself, was also pioneering for its regionalist agenda) and was its founding president from its inception to 1977. This achievement placed Yeh among a select group of artists who had helped to found major art societies in Singapore. These included Liu Kang (Singapore Art Society in 1949) and Chen Chong Swee (Singapore Watercolour Society in 1969).
Third, Yeh was part of a special generation of China-born artists who shared a common historical background. Familiar with both Chinese and Western art, many artists of the period sought to integrate Western and Chinese art traditions in their practice. For those who later left China around the mid-20th century and found a safe haven in Singapore, they continued to pursue their artistic interests and eventually spearheaded modern art developments in their new home. Initially preferring to paint in a naturalistic mode due to his academic training, Yeh’s style changed in the 1960s. The Ten Men Group trips exposed him to different cultures and provided much stimulus in terms of subject matter, techniques and approaches. The trips also fostered his close friendships with like-minded local artists with whom he spent many hours painting together and discussing art. Yeh also started reading more about modern art developments, which revised his initial distaste for abstract art. Within this creative ferment, Yeh developed a distinctive body of semi-abstract oil paintings which incorporated his deep knowledge of Chinese art, and keen sensibilities to Southeast Asian cultures.
Yeh’s strong affinity for the region was reflected in his many paintings of Southeast Asian themes, particularly the indigenous communities of Borneo.1This was unsurprising as he had spent his early childhood in Sarawak, living close to nature. Later, as an adult in modern Singapore, he saw benefits in leaving behind the urban pressures of city life to seek the regenerative qualities of nature during the Ten Men trips. Hence, rather than being seen as backward or uncivilised, the simple ways of life of the Dayaks and Ibans and their closeness to nature were qualities that very much resonated with him. Yeh was also drawn to Southeast Asian material culture. Indigenous textiles and wooden carvings purchased by Yeh during his trips informed how he eventually stylised the figures in his paintings. Patterns on local textiles or carvings were also incorporated as motifs within his artworks. For instance, after his 1962 Indonesian trip, Yeh was inspired by Javanese batik, and began to “cover the entire canvas with flat colours” and “lay out decorative-looking images by means of simple colour tones and pattern-like lines.”3 This is reflected in works like Boats in Bali with their use of white negative outlines and flat colours, usually associated with traditional Indonesian textiles such as batik and ikat.4 These works are also distinguished by their long narrow compositions, which could have been inspired by the format of traditional textiles, or the artist’s familiarity with the hanging and handscroll tradition of Chinese painting.5
After Yeh’s trip to Thailand and Cambodia in 1963, his works changed again. To convey the solemnity of the ancient stone monuments he encountered, Yeh turned to his long-standing interest in Chinese calligraphy, in particular ink rubbings. In China, rubbings have traditionally been used to reproduce inscriptions or images carved onto hard substances like bone, bronze or stone. To make rubbings, a sheet of moistened paper is laid across the inscribed surface and pressed into all recessed areas with a brush. When the paper has nearly dried, its surface is pounded with an inked pad. This produces white characters or images on a black background because black ink does not touch parts of the paper that were earlier pressed into the carved inscription. Multiple copies may be made with this method. As rubbings were commonly used by calligraphers to study different ancient styles, Yeh had collected rubbings of oracle bone scripts, Western Zhou period bronze inscriptions and Han dynasty stelae carvings. These rubbings appealed to him for various reasons. Firstly, he was impressed by the sense of strength and weight of the inscriptions. Originally carved or cast on hard substances like stone or metal, these inscriptions did not have the lightness or fluidity of brush-written characters. Moreover, rubbings, being direct impressions of ancient inscriptions, were often seen as a tangible and authentic link to the past. Lastly, archaic writing on oracle bones and bronze vessels, were created mainly for ritual purposes, and hence, laden with historical, if not spiritual, associations. Therefore, Yeh might have felt that such qualities of gravity, antiquity, authenticity and ritualism were ideally suited to capture the majesty of the ancient monuments and rustic charms of Southeast Asia. On that basis, Yeh incorporated certain visual aspects of ink rubbings into his artworks. Black became a predominant colour in many of his oil paintings. His painted forms were often finished with softly blurred edges or framed within irregular outlines. These recalled the ravages of time seen on ink rubbings of ancient inscriptions. This is because such inscribed characters tended to lose their sharp edges due to damage or erosion over the centuries, and these imperfections were replicated whenever rubbings were made of such inscriptions.
In some works, Yeh even included archaic-style inscriptions (using a mixture of oracle bone and seal scripts) rendered in white against a dark background, akin to characters found in ink rubbings. The use of archaic scripts imparted a jinshi (meaning “metal and stone” refers to inscriptions on metal such as bronze vessels, and stone such as stelae metal and stone) flavour to his paintings. This was a style preferred by many early 20th century calligraphers and painters such as See Hiang To (1906–1990), Tsue Ta Tee (1904–1975), Reverend Song Nian (1911–1997), Chang Shou She (1898–1969) and Chan Tan-Nung (1903–1975). They admired the sense of strength and forcefulness found in inscriptions on ancient bronzes and stone stelae, and sought to convey a similarly rough-hewn aesthetic in their own practice.6 The jinshi taste was likely also the reason why Yeh preferred to use a palette knife. Unlike a brush used for smoothing out brushstrokes and executing fine details, a palette knife created angular strokes and left behind streaks of paint of varying thicknesses which could better convey the rustic simplicity sought by Yeh.
Despite his impact as an arts educator and leader, and the acclaim accorded to his works in the 1960s and early 1970s, Yeh faded out of the art scene in the late 1970s to live in Malaysia, and died in 1981 in relative obscurity. In recent years, his artistic achievements have started to regain attention, notably with a survey exhibition organised by the National Art Gallery Singapore in 2010.
Ini Indexs
Singapore Chinese literature is well-regarded in Southeast Asia, and is the only Chinese literature in the region to be regarded as a form of national literature.
Since Singapore gained independence in 1965, Singapore Chinese literature has gradually been included in the official school curriculum. In the Chinese Studies departments in national universities, literature from Singapore and Malaysia has also become a subject of instruction and research for degree theses.
There are several prestigious awards that recognise the achievements of Singapore’s Chinese writers. These include the Singapore Literature Prize, as well as the country’s highest accolade for the arts, the Cultural Medallion.
Chinese writers awarded the Cultural Medallion include Wong Meng Voon, Wong Yoon Wah, Zhou Can (Chew Kok Chang), Dan Ying (Lew Poo Chan), Yeng Pway Ngon, Xi Ni’er (Chia Hwee Pheng), You Jin (Tham Yew Chin), Lin Gao (Lim Hung Chang), and Chia Joo Ming.
The S.E.A. Write Award, the ASEAN Cultural Prize for Literature, and the University of Iowa’s International Writing Program are also open to Singapore Chinese writers.
In the 1980s, literary collections featuring translations of texts from different languages began to emerge in Singapore, for example the Anthology of ASEAN Literatures and Rhythms: A Singapore Millennial Anthology of Poetry (see “Further resources”). The terms used in the titles of such collections — such as “Singapore”, “Memories and Desires”, “Journeys”, “Home” and “Nation” — reflected efforts to gather stories about the nation. Many works of Chinese literature were included in important anthologies representing the country’s four major languages. The editors of these collections also were often writers in those four major languages, highlighting their multicultural spirit.
Many of these anthologies included English, Malay, Chinese, and Tamil pieces. Quite a few featured English translations too. With themes ranging from self-exile to the embrace of Singapore soil, they spanned from the immigration period to independence. Identifying with Singapore was the main focus of these narratives. In Rhythms: A Singapore Millennial Anthology of Poetry (2000), each poem is accompanied by translations in the other three official languages, allowing the various ethnicities can connect with the poems regardless of what language they were written in.
In August 1988, the Singapore Association of Writers and the Goethe-Institut organised an international conference in Singapore, with Southeast Asian Chinese literature as the main theme. Moderator Chow Tse-tsung (1916–2007) pointed out that the development of Chinese literature outside of China would inevitably result in the characteristic of a “double tradition”. At the same time, there was a need to establish the concept of “multiple literary centres” to understand the characteristics and significance of Chinese literature outside of China.
Southeast Asian Chinese literature cannot separate itself entirely from the literary tradition that originated in China from pre-Qin times (before 221 BCE). However, when overseas Chinese incorporate their experiences of local life and other literary traditions into their writing, a “native literary tradition” naturally emerges. Singapore Chinese literature has been integrating the Chinese literary tradition with the local literary tradition.
After World War II, more Chinese writers in Singapore and Malaya began to transition towards an increasingly local flavour in their writing, achieving breakthroughs in their language, local ideas, and literary imagination.1 Discussions of Singapore Chinese literature have explored this shift from huaqiao literature (also known as qiaomin wenxue or “overseas compatriot literature”) to Nanyang literature, mahua literature (Malaysian Chinese literature), and Singapore literature.2
Take, for example, local poet Lei Sanche’s “The Iron Ship’s Legs are Lame” (1937); Chinese novelist Lao She’s (1899–1966) Xiaopo’s Birthday (1934); and Malayan writer Lu Po-yeh’s (1923–1961) Singaporean Sketches (1953) and Malayan Sketches (1954). Their themes and narratives extensively absorbed elements and traditions from Malay and Indonesian literature.
Singapore and Malaysia have established their own Chinese literary traditions, and can be regarded as centres of Chinese literature. Indeed, they should no longer be considered “peripheral literature” or “offshoots” of China’s literature.3
Ini Indexs
The overseas Chinese placed great value in education, and the leaders of the Hokkien community of Singapore were no exception. In 1829, 10 years after the founding of modern Singapore, missionary Claudius Henry Thomsen (1782–1835) documented three Chinese private schools on the island, one of which was located on Pekin Street and ran lessons in the Hokkien dialect for 22 students. Two works written during the Daoguang era — Treatise on Britain (1832) by Xiao Lingyu (1789–unknown) and The Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms (1847–1848) by Wei Yuan (1794–1857) — mentioned American Mission Press, a publishing arm and school of American mission in Singapore where Americans learnt Chinese from Hokkien and Cantonese tutors. There were also several private schools that taught in Hokkien and Cantonese.
Nevertheless, Singapore was still lacking in formal Chinese educational institutions at the time. It was not until the mid-19th century, when Tan Kim Seng (1805–1864) founded Chong Wen Ge (1849–) and Chui Eng Free School (Chui Eng Si E, 1854–1954), that schools catering to various dialect groups started to become commonplace.
Tan, a Malaccan-born leader of the Hokkien community with ancestral roots in Yongchun, Fujian, established Chong Wen Ge in 1849, the 29th year of the Qing dynasty’s Daoguang era, and it is known as Singapore’s first Hokkien free school.1 He set an example by making a generous donation of 880 Straits dollars.2 Many local Hokkien merchants, such as Hong Juncheng, Huang Chongwen, Cheong Sam Teo (1805–1862), Chan Koo Chan, and Xu Simian,3 made substantial donations too, and a total of 7,504 Straits dollars was raised for the school in Telok Ayer Street.
Later, when Tan started Chui Eng Free School, he led by example once again and donated a piece of land worth 1,710 Straits dollars in nearby Amoy Street as the site of the new school. He was supported by 12 other wealthy Hokkien merchants who contributed a total of 6,345 Straits dollars in construction funds. On top of that, Tan raised an additional 3,848 Straits dollars from other Hokkien merchants and businesses to cover the school’s operating costs.
The new free school quickly became a prominent Chinese educational institution. J. D. Vaughan (1825–1891), a British expert on Chinese affairs, noted in the 1870s that Chui Eng Free School had 100 students attending classes every day, as well as two teachers. The school, which was managed by the Hokkien community, appointed officials to regularly inspect the performance of its students and teachers. The results of its annual examinations were published in local Chinese newspapers. The Qing dynasty’s Consul-General in the Straits Settlements was also invited to appraise the student’s examination results. In 1892, that official was none other than the renowned Qing poet Huang Zunxian (1848–1905).
As demonstrated by Chong Wen Ge and Chui Eng Free School, the early Hokkien free schools in Singapore were able to maintain high academic standards due to the support and supervision of the Hokkien community. The involvement of the Chinese newspapers and Consul-Generals of the Qing dynasty also motivated students to excel academically.
In 1899, Singapore Chinese Girls’ School — the first Chinese girls’ school on the island — opened its doors in Hill Street, near present-day City Hall. It was founded by doctor Lim Boon Keng (1869–1957), who donated land for the school; lawyer Song Ong Siang (1871–1941); and scholar Khoo Seok Wan (1874–1941). Lim’s wife, Margaret Wong (1874–1905), taught at the school.
Prominent businessman Tan Kah Kee (1874–1961) was another leader of the Hokkien community who devoted himself to educational causes. He founded Tao Nan School in 1906, Ai Tong School in 1912, Chong Fook Girls’ School (now Chongfu School) in 1915, and Nan Chiau Girls’ School (now Nan Chiau High School) in 1947. In 1919, he led the founding of The Chinese High School (now Hwa Chong Institution), the first Chinese secondary school in Singapore.
Besides contributions to Chinese education, Singapore’s Hokkien pioneers made significant contributions to English education on the island. Cheang Hong Lim (1825–1893), for example, founded Cheang Wan Seng School in 1875 to teach English to underprivileged children for free. Tan Kah Kee also supported English schools, donating 30,000 Straits dollars to Anglo-Chinese School and 10,000 Straits dollars to Raffles College.
The efforts of the Hokkien community in promoting education continued with the establishment of Nanyang University. Initiated by rubber magnate Tan Lark Sye (1897–1972) in 1955, the university was the highest Chinese-language institution in Southeast Asia at the time. It eventually merged with the University of Singapore in 1980 to become the National University of Singapore.
Ini Indexs
In the late 19th century, Singapore’s Teochew community grew rapidly and made significant strides in the business sector. As business activities required a certain level of knowledge, accounting, and writing skills, the Teochew community began to realise the urgent need to provide education to the next generation. However, the educational policy of the British colonial government in Singapore at the time focused primarily on training a small number of locals to serve as clerks, and showed little interest in Chinese education.
Influenced by China’s Hundred Days’ Reform in 1898, the overseas Chinese began to raise funds to establish modern schools in their respective diaspora communities.
The establishment of Tuan Mong School in 1906 marked the beginning of Teochew educational efforts in Singapore.
Around the time of World War II, the Teochew community had already established numerous private schools, including Seak Tiat School, Kheng Cheng School, Sing Hua Public School, Tho Mong School, Tuan Eng School, Lok Eng School, Wen Hsuan School, Soo Jin School, Poi Eng Public School (now Peiying Primary School), Pei Tow School, Hwa Nong School, Hoo Neu School, Kwang Teck School, Lee Sin School, Nam King School, Chung Kuo Kung Hsieh School, Nanyang Commercial School, Tong Keng School, Nam Ann School, Teo Yeonh School, and Ngee Ann Girls’ School (now Ngee Ann Primary School). These schools were either privately owned or sponsored by clan associations and charity halls (shantang) within the Teochew community.
The Teochew community’s charitable organisation, Ngee Ann Kongsi, played a central role in these efforts. These schools varied in size, but were well-structured in terms of administration and teaching. Needy students from different dialect groups were treated equally and given financial assistance for their tuition.
The establishment of Ngee Ann Girls’ School in 1940, and Ngee Ann College in 1963, were significant milestones.
Ngee Ann Girls’ School was the only girls’ school sponsored by the Teochew community in Malaya at the time. It reflected the progressive mindset of Teochew leaders, who rejected outdated gender biases, demonstrating a commitment to gender equality and forward-thinking ideals in nurturing the next generation.
Ngee Ann College was the only higher education institution established by the overseas Teochew community. It aimed to cultivate professionals in technology and business to meet the needs of social and economic development. It has since evolved into a well-known institution of higher learning for science and engineering, and is now known as Ngee Ann Polytechnic.
The educational efforts of the Teochew community in Singapore were closely intertwined with the political and social developments locally and in China, and underwent several transformations. After the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, schools that originally taught in Teochew, and consisted mainly of Teochew students and teachers, were influenced by Chinese nationalism. They transitioned into using Mandarin as the language of instruction, and also made changes to the school system, curriculum, and teaching materials.
Spurred on by the changing socio-political landscape in Singapore after World War II, Teochew schools started to integrate into the local education system. They placed an emphasis on bilingual education and fostering a sense of loyalty and identification with the local community. These schools evolved into government-aided Chinese-medium schools under the administrative authority of the Ministry of Education.
After Singapore gained independence in 1965, many residents were relocated to new housing estates as a result of urban redevelopment, causing several Teochew schools to be short of students and close down. From the 1970s, mother tongue languages started to be taught as a second language. Teochew schools in Singapore were incorporated into the national education system and eventually transformed into government schools.
Many of the schools established by the Teochew community no longer exist, even though some government schools still carry their names. The Ngee Ann Kongsi continues to provide regular financial support to Ngee Ann Primary School, Ngee Ann Secondary School, and Ngee Ann Polytechnic. Starting in 1998, the Teochew community established specialised institutions to collaborate with foreign universities to offer degree programmes. Some Teochew community organisations also organise continuing education courses. Despite challenges brought about by societal changes, the Teochew community has adapted and found new ways to contribute to the nation’s education infrastructure.
Ini Indexs
Besides Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng cemetery and the Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital, schools were another major charitable contribution of early immigrants from the Canton prefectures of Guangzhou, Huizhou, and Zhaoqing. In the early 20th century, the Singapore Cantonese community raised funds for the establishment of Yeung Ching School (1905–), Kwong Fook School (1916–1982), Nan Hwa Girls’ School (1917–), Cheng Fong Girls’ School (1928–1942), Kwong Wai Shiu Peck Shan Ting School (1936–1981), Shut Yung School, and Khe Chee School. The clan associations set up by the Cantonese community also offered free education. Local clan associations that established education arms included Ning Yeung Wui Kuan (1906–late 1950s), Tung On Wui Kun (1923–1964), Kong Chow Wui Koon (1929–1968), Nam Sun Wui Kun (1931–1968), Sam Sui Wui Kun (c. 1933–1960), and Poon Yue Association (1952–1958).1
Yeung Ching School (now Yangzheng Primary School) was the first and the largest school founded by the Cantonese. First known as Kwong Shiu School, it was established in Park Road, Chinatown in 1905 with contributions from 27 Chinese merchants, including Wong Ah Fook (1837–1918), Yow Ngan Pan (1863–1930), Look Yan Kit (1849–1933), and Ho Siak Kuan (1866–1947). Among its famous alumni are Chinese composer Sinn Sing Hoi (1905–1945) and Indonesian Chinese artist Lee Man Fong (1913–1988).
In 1906, Kwong Shiu School was renamed Kwong Shiu Yeung Ching School. Hakkas from Huizhou joined in to manage the school in 1907. It was renamed Kwong Wai Shiu Yeung Ching School, and subsequently Yeung Ching School in 1912.2 In the early years of Yeung Ching School, enrolment numbers increased rapidly and school funds ran low. Most of the Chinese students back then came from low-income families, and some could not even afford the school fees. Seeking to address these issues, the school’s board of directors decided to develop the land at the junction of Maxwell Road and Peck Seah Street, where Cheng San Teng cemetery used to be. The colonial government had previously gained possession of the cemetery land to develop the Chinatown area, but in 1924 gave part of the land back to the Cantonese and Hakkas who had been seeking as compensation. This allowed the Kwong Wai Shiu community to open Air View Restaurant and New Asia Hotel (now part of Air View Building) there, and collect rent to fund Yeung Ching School and Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital.3 The Hakka then established Singapore Khek Community Guild (now Nanyang Hakka Federation) next to the Air View Building.
The establishment of both Nan Hwa Girls’ School (now Nan Hua Primary School and Nan Hua High School) and Cheng Fong Girls’ School was largely the result of the socio-political environment in the early 20th century, where girls were encouraged to attend school. Besides the Cantonese community, other non-Cantonese pioneers such as Tan Kah Kee (1874–1961), brothers Aw Boon Haw (1882–1954) and Aw Boon Par (1888–1944), Lim Peng Siang (1873–1944), and Lim Nee Soon (1879–1936) also contributed to the establishment of Nan Hwa Girls’ School. Even Chui Lok Amateur Dramatic Association from Kuala Lumpur travelled to Singapore to stage a charity performance at Lai Chun Yuen Opera House in Chinatown to raise funds for the school — reinforcing the kinship between Singapore and Malaya.4There were two other girls’ schools in Singapore back then, namely Singapore Nanyang Girls’ School (now Nanyang Girls’ High School, 1917–) and Chung Hwa Girls’ School (now Zhonghua Secondary School, 1911–).
Cheng Fong Girls’ School, which ceased operations during the Japanese Occupation, had started as a branch for the female students of Yeung Ching School. At the time, the colonial government mandated that students above the age of 12 had to enrol in single-sex schools, as was the norm in Britain (this policy was changed only after World War II).5 Cheng Fong Girls’ School was also a school for trainee teachers.
Kwong Fook School was a Chinese school funded by a temple. Most of its students were children of the people who worked in the Kallang Gasworks area (huocheng, or literally “districts of the fire”)6 — one might call it a school for workers’ children. Back then, students did not have high aspirations when it came to education — they only wanted to learn to read, write, and acquire skills that would help them make a living. When Kwong Fook School was founded, Yeung Ching School gave it some of its old tables and chairs, and classes were conducted on the opera stage of Kwong Fook Temple. The school’s board of directors used the cash offerings made to the temple, as well as rental income from properties, to fund the school’s operations. In 1956, a new school with 14 classrooms was built and incorporated into the national education system to become a government-aided school. Nonetheless, Kwong Fook Temple continued to fund the school’s miscellaneous expenses.
Kwong Wai Shiu Peck Shan Ting School, an independent school offering free education to residents from Kampong San Teng and Shunfu Village,7 was located beside the Peck San Theng cemetery. The cemetery, located on the site of present-day Bishan town, was managed by a federation of Cantonese clans. Funds from the “Grand Universal Salvation Ritual” prayer service for the deceased and other donations were used to build the school.
Funds for the other schools established by Cantonese clan associations in densely populated Chinatown, such as Ning Yeung, Tung On, Kong Chow, Nam Sun, Sam Sui, and Poon Yue as mentioned above, were collected by clan associations from clan members. These schools faced competition from other non-clan private schools in the early years. After Singapore gained self-governance, these Chinese-language medium clan schools faced low enrolment, and eventually closed in the 1960s.
Today, there are still schools which retain their historical ties to the Cantonese community and continue to have Cantonese leadership on their advisory committees. Among them are Nan Hua High School, Nan Hua Primary School, and Yangzheng Primary School.
Ini Indexs
The Teochew community in Singapore has had a long history of public philanthropy, whether by individual philanthropists, clan associations, or religious organisations. Smaller clan associations set up mutual aid groups for the welfare of their communities, while those with more resources cross the boundaries of clanship and religion to extend their charity to vulnerable groups in society. Ngee Ann Kongsi and the Teochew charitable organisations stand out as two of the most salient examples.
After Ngee Ann Kongsi was formally established in 1845, the organisation used the funds it raised to repair and construct temples, purchase communal burial grounds, sponsor Teochew schools, and support other charity work. In 1933, the Kongsi revised its constitution and registered itself as a trust and charity institution for Teochew people. After that, it took over management of Tuan Mong School, founded Ngee Ann Girls’ School (now Ngee Ann Primary School) and Ngee Ann College (now Ngee Ann Polytechnic), and started offering scholarships and bursaries for higher education.
The Kongsi set up Ngee Ann Property Management Pte Ltd and Ngee Ann Development Pte Ltd, stipulating that 75% of its annual profit from investments and rental of real estate was to be used for the development of Ngee Ann Polytechnic. This was reduced to 25% in 2007, and the remaining 50% was allocated to other educational technology and charity purposes.
To date, Ngee Ann Kongsi has donated billions of dollars. This has benefited numerous educational institutions, research organisations, and charity groups, making significant contributions to the country’s education, economy, and social welfare.
Founded in 1916, Seu Teck Sean Tong was the first Teochew charitable hall to be established in Singapore. Several others that followed — namely Phoh Kiu Siang Tng (1929), Nanyang Thong Hong Siang Tng (1930), Toa Payoh Seu Teck Sean Tong (1942), Thong Kheng Charitable Institution (1943), and Nam Ann Siang Theon (1944) — later came together to form the Blue Cross Charitable Institution during World War II. First conceived in the early years of the Japanese Occupation, the Blue Cross was officially started in January 1945 to take on social relief work, which included medical services, assistance for the poor, and provision of free burials for the deceased. Charitable halls that were established after the war also subsequently joined the Blue Cross, and these included Thong Teck Sian Tong (1950), Bukit Timah Seu Teck Sean Tong (1959), Poh Teck Siang Tng (1961), Nam Hong Siang Theo (1961), Cheng Hong Siang Tng (1974), and Chung Hong Siang Tng (1977).
Registered as non-profit charities under the Societies Act, Teochew charitable halls mainly worship the Song dynasty Buddhist monk, Reverend Song Ta-Fung, but also enshrine the Buddha, various Bodhisattvas, and other deities. In alignment with their ancestral master’s grand mission to help the world, these organisations were dedicated to providing disaster relief and helping the poor and needy in the early days.
Charitable halls evolved with the changing times. From the 1990s, they reached out to the wider community to provide a variety of up-to-date welfare assistance. This included expanding the scale of their Western and traditional Chinese medical and medication services, setting up well-equipped nursing homes, dialysis centres, homes for the elderly and care centres, funeral service centres, and family service centres, as well as donating to various charity organisations and community education funds.
Since the 2000s, some of the charitable halls have also formed welfare associations to promote their various charitable causes more professionally and effectively. They have also obtained Institutions of a Public Character (IPC) status and became members of the National Council of Social Service. The Teochew charitable halls today have transformed themselves, and are engaging with the wider community on multiple levels, becoming an important part of the country’s charity and welfare system.
