Ini Indexs
Taoism and local religious traditions in Singapore are tapestries of ancient philosophies, cultural practices, and spiritual beliefs. Rooted in Chinese society, history, and culture, they have adapted to Singapore’s multicultural landscape. In 2023, the Singapore Taoist Federation (est. 1990) had 569 member organisations — a testament to the diversity of groups associated with Taoism and Chinese religion in Singapore.1 These religious organisations exhibit varying beliefs. Some centre their activities around the service of spirit mediums, while others engage in scripture recitation and charity.
Despite the independent existence of Taoism and local religious traditions, their pantheons, ethical systems, and ritual practices intersect significantly. For instance, events marking the birthdays of local gods often involve the presence of Taoist priests and key Taoist rituals, such as grand renewal ceremonies known as jiao to bless and protect the community.2
It is not clear when exactly Taoism and Chinese religious traditions emerged in Singapore, although it happened sometime during the 19th century mass migration of predominantly South Chinese migrants to Singapore. Among them were the Hokkiens, who hailed from southern Fujian, and the Teochews, from the Chaoshan region in Guangdong province. Seeking spiritual protection in a foreign land, these migrants carried their worshipped deities with them in the form of consecrated images or other sacred objects, including incense ashes from the censers of these divinities. Common worship of some of these deities extended beyond conventional boundary lines — such as place of origin, occupation, and dialect — that existed between different groups of overseas Chinese.
Some of the earliest Chinese temples built in Singapore by the Hokkien and Teochew communities were dedicated to the goddess Mazu, revered for ensuring safe passage at sea. Notable examples are Thian Hock Keng in Telok Ayer Street, and Yueh Hai Ching Temple in Phillip Street, which were founded in the 1820s and catered predominantly to Hokkien and Teochew migrants. A similar pattern of organisation along the lines of place of origin and dialect can be observed in the case of the deity Tua Pek Kong, also known as Fude Zhengshen. Temples dedicated to Tua Pek Kong in Hai Chun Fudeci and Hock Teck See Temple (also known as Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple) were mainly supported by Hakka and Cantonese donors, as evidenced by the stelae and plaques found in these temples.3
In the suburbs of Singapore, smaller temples dedicated to specific deities, such as Tua Pek Gong, also emerged. Examples are Soon Thian Keing (1820 –1821), Goh Chor Tua Pek Kong (1847), and Sar Kong Mun San Fook Tuck Chee (1862). Supported by local labourers and kampong communities, these temples were complemented by numerous spirit-medium temples in the suburbs. These community-centric temples, often led by charismatic spirit mediums, mobilised entire neighbourhoods during significant events such as the birthdays of their respective patron deities. Festivities involve rituals such as Crossing the Bridge of Peace and Safety, as well as self-mortification ceremonies by spirit mediums culminating in a procession through the neighbourhood (known as “yew keng”) to ward off malevolent forces. Many of these ceremonies have survived to this day.4
Diasporic communities in Singapore historically formed groups based on shared lineages and surnames, leading to the emergence of various deity followings across these different immigrant communities. Up till the present day, historical ties related to origin, occupation, dialect, and surname continue to shape allegiances to religious institutions. Examples include the worship of Guangze Zunwang among the Nan’an Hokkien community, whose temples share the name Fengshansi. Benevolence Halls, organised under the Blue Cross in Singapore, are predominantly led by the Teochew community.5 Despite this leadership, these organisations provide services for individuals of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. Additionally, the traditions of the Cantonese community endure in the Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng, established in the 1870s by Cantonese and Hakka migrants.6
Numerous temples established in pre-independence Singapore have undergone relocations, frequently merging into Combined/United Temples, in alignment with the state’s land management initiatives. In this process, multiple smaller temples pool their resources to acquire the lease for a parcel of land and construct a shared facility for the worship of their respective deities.7 The allocation of land for religious use is governed by state and market forces, with temples frequently engaging in competitive bidding for 30-year leases. Smaller organisations, unable to bear the costs, have relocated to Housing and Development Board (HDB) flats or flatted factories.8 Post-independence Singapore also witnessed the growing formalisation of temple governance, with a focus on leadership, registration, and adherence to auditing cycles. This reflects an increasing trend toward bureaucratisation, where accountability and managerial expertise are emphasised. Temples typically consist of a committee of leaders, including chairpersons, vice chairpersons, secretaries, treasurers, and auditors.9
The final decade of the 20th century marked the rise of organisations dedicated to advancing research and outreach initiatives within and across Taoist and Chinese religious institutions. The establishment of the Singapore Taoist Federation in 1990 exemplifies this trend, with its goals encompassing the promotion of public awareness and understanding of Taoist culture, research support, and involvement in community and welfare services.10 The Sanqing Taoist Library opened in 2008, and the Singapore Taoist College organised expert seminars, reflecting a growing emphasis on education and outreach for the promotion of Taoist knowledge.11 The Singapore Taoist Mission, founded in 1996, shares similar objectives of propagating Taoism, promoting Chinese culture, supporting community welfare, and fostering inter-religious harmony.12
In addition to organisations with permanent locations, Chinese religious institutions referred to as hui (association) are only active at certain times of the year. These institutions are characterised by their worship of a deity through an incense censer, and might fit within larger organisations, such as temples, clan, trade, or surname organisations, where devotees contribute funds to celebrate the patron deity’s birthday.
The term “Nine Emperor Gods Sacred Associations”, for example, is employed to denote the event, organisers, and devotees of the Nine Emperor Gods Festival, again testimony to their interchangeable and interconnected nature in religious life. Before the festival commences on the last week of the eighth lunar month, devotees gather at an incense censer to receive the deities, who are believed to arrive from a water body such as the sea. Conversely, to mark the event’s conclusion on the ninth day, the deities are sent off in a similar manner, which mirrors the dispersal of the association responsible for organising the event until the coming year. Another example of hui is the Milky Way associations, which were once highly popular among the Cantonese in Singapore. Sponsors and organisers of these associations would assemble to celebrate the Double Seventh Festival with a range of offerings, including cosmetics, food, and intricate incense paper.13
Also prevalent in Singapore are Zhongyuan hui — groups of people who organise events for the Hungry Ghost Festival in the seventh lunar month. These organisations can be found in many places, including hawker centres, markets, merchant associations and among wholesalers.14 Each Zhongyuan hui is centred around an incense censer, serving not only as a piece of communal property but also providing a focal point for devotees to worship wandering spirits during the seventh lunar month. A censer master, chosen with the help of divination blocks, is responsible for upkeeping the property and censer. The master also typically leads the establishment of a temporary altar during the seventh lunar month festivities. This tradition is particularly strong in older HDB estates.15
Singapore’s multicultural society, and the acceptance of other deities and belief systems by practitioners of Chinese religion, have contributed to the emergence of syncretic beliefs unique to Singapore. For example, Habib Noh (1788–1866), whose tomb is located on Palmer Road, had a penchant for enjoying operas held at the nearby Wang Hai Da Bo Gong (also known as Fook Tet Soo Khek Temple) during his lifetime.16 To this day, Chinese devotees continue to visit the keramat, making donations in the present era. Similarly, Chinese devotees on Kusu Island refrain from pork and adopt vegetarian diets before visiting its Chinese temple and three keramat-turned-Datuks.17 Among practitioners of Chinese religion, Datuk Gong is a title given to Malay-Muslim spirits, serving as guardians indigenous to the local area.
In various shrines across Singapore and Malaysia, local deities anthropomorphised as Datuk Gong represent a fusion of Chinese religious ideas with Malay/Muslim symbolism. These Datuk Gong, sometimes revered alongside Ganesha, are venerated with offerings of incense sticks. Notable examples include the Jiutiaoqiao Xinba Nadugong Temple and Loyang Tua Pek Kong, where the worship of Datuk Gong and Ganesha coexist within the same ritual spaces, albeit with separate altars and incense censers.
Instances of inter-religious exchanges between Taoist and Hindu groups further illustrate Singapore’s multi-ethnic nature.18 These involve the sharing of ritual spaces, as well as an openness among devotees to participate in each other’s ceremonies.
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In Singapore, schools founded by Hainanese people experienced a golden age in the 1950s. In the past, principals of Hainanese schools were all Hainanese. It was not until the 1980s and 1990s that non-Hainanese principals were appointed, after schools like Yock Eng High School (renamed Yuying Secondary School in 1987) and Pei Chun Public School broke the tradition.
During the 1950s and 1960s, a Chinese School Sports Meet was held every year. Prior to that annual event, Hainanese-founded schools would hold a Hainanese School Sports Meet (quanxing qiongxiao yundong hui) at Jalan Besar Stadium, which allowed teachers and students from various Hainanese schools to build relationships with one another. Newspapers also featured special sections that showcased the spirit of unity among Hainanese schools.
Hainanese people placed great emphasis on their children’s education, and have made significant contributions to the fields of public service, education and culture. Many notable Singaporeans are all of Hainanese descent, including Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and scholars such as Wu Teh Yao (1915–1994) and Lim Chong Yah (1932–2023). There are also numerous Hainanese individuals working in Chinese and English media as journalists and reporters.
Many Hainanese forefathers emigrated from their hometowns with limited education and a modest income. However, they aspired to provide their children with ample opportunities for education, hoping to secure a better life for them. As a result, they invested money and effort to establish schools such as Eng Hung School, which was founded with contributions from a group of Hainanese who worked for foreigners living near Tanglin, an affluent district in Singapore.
In the past, schools established by Hainanese people were distributed across the island. These included Yock Eng School (Yuying Secondary School), Pei Chun Public School, Eng Hung School, Sheng Hwa Public School, Sheng Wah Public School, Wa Mong School, Zhen Qun School, Pen Min School, Pui Tak School, and Han Guang School. These Hainanese schools were typically located in urban areas and would often rent pre-war shophouses as school buildings. Meanwhile, those in rural areas used temples or makeshift stages as classrooms. School facilities were usually quite basic.
As public housing estates emerged rapidly in the 1970s, people started to move into flats. Consequently, the population in rural areas began to decline, leading to low enrolment. Urban and rural Hainanese schools gradually closed down, leaving only Yuying Secondary School (located in Hougang) and Pei Chun Public School (in Toa Payoh).
Yock Eng School (renamed Yock Eng High School in 1949 and Yuying Secondary School in 1987) was founded in the 20th century by seven Hainanese leaders, namely Wee Cheow Keng (1860–1939), Huang Kehui, Yun Changlang, He Yulin, Lu Xiyao, Chen Kaiguo, and Fu Changbin.1 They raised funds tirelessly, eventually establishing Yock Eng School in 1910. It started out as a primary school with just twenty students. By 1925, the number of students had increased to 400. During the Japanese occupation, the school had to close. Operations resumed in 1946, when a secondary school was added. Following that, a high school was established in 1956.
Yock Eng School relocated several times. It was initially located at Prinsep Street, but moved to Tanjong Katong Road and later to Hougang. In 1957, it officially became a government-aided school.
Pei Chun Public School is a Special Assistance School. It was selected as the South Zone Centre of Excellence for Chinese Studies and the South Zone Centre of Excellence for Sports. Since its establishment in 1933, it went through several relocations, moving from its initial location at 83 Tanglin Road to Orchard Road, then Anderson Road and Balmoral Road. After that, it shifted to its current location in Toa Payoh.
Ini Indexs
The worship of heaven, earth, and natural elements was of significant importance in ancient Chinese beliefs. This was because man’s survival was dependent on the natural environment in the early days, when productivity was relatively low. As a result, people developed complex feelings of fear, awe, and dependency towards natural phenomena. The earth, which is the wellspring of life, naturally became an object of worship for ancient Chinese. As land and agriculture were closely intertwined, earth deity Tua Pek Kong became a deity widely worshipped by the Chinese across different dialect groups. For instance, one can see numerous Tua Pek Kong temples across Singapore, Malaysia, and Taiwan. These temples are not owned by individuals of a specific origin, but have become places of worship for people from different backgrounds.
What is the relationship between Tua Pek Kong and the Hakka people? This topic has been extensively explored by many experts on Southeast Asia, with notable works including Han Wai Toon’s (1891–1970) “Dabo gong kao” (A Study on Tua Pek Kong, 1940); Hsu Yun Tsiao’s (1905–1981) “Dabo gong, erbo gong yu bentou gong” (Tua Pek Kong, Er Pek Kong, and Pun Tao Kong, 1951); and Tan Yeok Seong’s (1903–1984) “Tokong kao” (On the Local God Tokong, 1951).
These discussions present two major interpretations of the attributes and significance of Tua Pek Kong worship. One perspective regards him as a regional guardian deity associated with the worship of land, while the other views him as the ancestral spirit of forebears and his worship as the veneration of early ancestors. Hakka people who live in mountainous and inland regions hold a deep reverence for the Earth Deity, seeking from him divine protection and bountiful harvests. As Hakkas commonly address their male elders as “Tua Pek Kong” or granduncle, they used the same term for the Earth Deity to establish a closer connection with him. Unlike figures such as Mazu or Guan Yu, who are historical figures, Tua Pek Kong is a local land deity associated with a specific place, and holds a position bestowed upon him by a divine entity or deified individual.
In Chinese religious beliefs, renowned historical figures such as Han Changli (Han Yu), a literary figure from the Tang dynasty, are also considered land deities.1 Such a role combines elements of ancestors or revered spirits. Tua Pek Kong is thus a composite of a land deity and an esteemed spirit, making him one of the key deities worshipped by the Hakka community. When the Hakka people migrated to various regions in Southeast Asia, including Singapore, they brought the worship of Tua Pek Kong with them. Tua Pek Kong not only fulfils the role of a land deity but also serves as a protector, blessing and safeguarding the Hakka pioneers who ventured southwards to make a living overseas.
Along Shenton Way in the bustling Central Business District of Singapore stands a historic temple that has borne witness to the city-state’s rapid development. Fook Tet Soo Khek Temple is said to have been established by Hakka individuals in 1844. It was originally known as Tanjong Pagar Fook Tet Soo, and was founded by representatives from the eight districts of Kar Yeng (Meixian, Pingyuan, Xingning, Wuhua, and Jiaoling) and Fong Yun Thai (Fengshun, Yongding, and Dabu).
As the temple was first built by the sea, it is also commonly referred to as the Wang Hai Da Bo Gong Miao (Sea-facing Tua Pek Kong Temple). At its inception, Hakka clan associations Ying Fo Fui Kun and Fong Yun Thai Associations each sent 20 directors as representatives. These representatives then designated someone from among themselves as temple president on a rotational basis every two years. The position of manager was appointed by the team of each term, and the treasurer was appointed by the other group, forming a board of directors to jointly manage the temple’s affairs.
When the temple was established is less clear. Older Hakka generations have pointed out that Hakka immigrants had already been venerating Tua Pek Kong at the CBD location when Stamford Raffles (1781–1826) landed in Singapore. But it was only later, as the number of worshippers increased, that the temple was built. By this account, the temple boasts a history spanning close to two centuries.
Another Hakka temple, established in 1824 at Telok Ayer Street, was Fuk Tak Chi Temple, known as Hai Chun Fu De Ci (Tua Pek Kong Temple by the seaside).2 In 1854, it was reconstructed with donations from both the Hakka and Cantonese communities. The contributors included leaders from Kwong Wai Shiu (Guangzhou, Huizhou, and Zhaoqing), Kar Yeng Five Districts, and Fong Yun Thai. In 1869, additional donations from the Cantonese and Hakka communities facilitated the temple’s expansion. At the same time, Hokkien businessman Cheang Hong Lim (1825–1893) donated additional land, which ensured the temple’s stable development. Fuk Tak Chi Temple is an example of early collaboration between the Hakka and Cantonese communities in establishing temples to safeguard their interests in Singapore.
But Fuk Tak Chi Temple had to give up its central location as Singapore’s development gained pace. After extensive negotiations and discussions, the government acquired its land in March 1985. Today, what remains of Fuk Tak Chi Temple is only the exterior structure and inscriptions on the interior walls.
Hakka pioneers in Singapore came from the mountainous regions of Guangdong and Fujian. They ventured overseas to seek a livelihood and went on to establish ethnic temples for their community in Singapore. The establishment of Fook Tet Soo Khek Temple and Fuk Tak Chi Temple reflects not only their struggles and achievements, but also their collaborative efforts with other dialect groups, constituting a key chapter in the history of Singapore’s Chinese community.
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Chinese burial grounds, which served the needs of Singapore’s immigrant society, were based on the traditional Chinese culture of ancestral worship. The administration of these burial grounds was closely linked to dialect group politics of the time. In the 19th century, a dual political structure formed within Singaporean Chinese society. On one side was the powerful Hokkien dialect group, and on the other was a united front made up of the Cantonese, Hakkas, Teochews and Hainanese, headed by Cantonese and Hakka factions.1 The alliance between the Cantonese and Hakkas was a result of the Hakkas from Huizhou leaving the Hakka clan association to join forces with the Cantonese from the Guang and Zhao prefectures. This led to the formation of Kwong Wai Siew association, which later formed a united front with Kar Yeng Five Districts and Fong Yun Thai, two major Hakka groups from the Hakka bang. This alliance between the Cantonese and Hakkas eventually extended to the management of burial grounds.
The three Cantonese-Hakka clan associations, Kwong Wai Siew, Kar Yeng and Fong Yun Thai in the 1820s and 1830s jointly built the first burial ground, Cheng San Teng.2 It was located in the coastal area east of Ann Siang Hill, which is now the area west of Peck Seah Street. Until 1838, “the graves of Cheng San Teng line up like fish scales, not only do the headstones touch each other, but coffins often pile up upon coffins, indeed a miserable sight to witness”.3 So the Cantonese and Hakka clan associations began to look for a new burial ground to replace Cheng San Teng.
In 1840, three Cantonese and Hakka clan associations applied for a section of a hilly area in the suburbs to be used as a new public graveyard. On 20 January 1840, the British colonial government issued Land Deed No. 1525 with a term of 999 years, which stipulated that the land was not allowed to be used for other purposes, and once the lot was no longer used as a burial ground, it should be returned to the government. The new burial ground was named Loke Yah Teng, after the green hills and green fields in the area.4
In the second half of the 19th century, the population of Cantonese and Hakkas increased, with a huge wave of immigrants from southern China entering Singapore to make a living. As a result, Loke Yah Teng, a public graveyard, could no longer meet the burial needs of the Cantonese and Hakka ethnic groups. As a result, Kwong Wai Siew, Kar Yeng and Fong Yun Thai separately found sites to set up their own burial ground.
Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng (hereinafter “Peck San Theng”) was a cemetery management organisation started by immigrants from the Guangzhou, Huizhou and Zhaoqing prefectures in Guangdong province. It was jointly established by nine clan associations of the Kwong Wai Siew community in 1870.5 Later on, four clan associations under the Guangzhou prefecture – Ching Yoon, Fa Yun, Shun Tak and Chen Loong – and three guilds under the Zhaoqing prefecture, Koh Yiu, Hok San, and Yen Peng, joined too. Peck San Theng thus became a joint administration under 16 Kwong Wai Siew clan associations.
In the 20th century, Peck San Theng, in its efforts to develop, purchased 107.5 acres of land in 1948 for S$54,000, increasing the size of the burial ground to 253 acres. After that, it continued to purchase more land, and by 1973, Peck San Theng spanned 324 acres. On 28 August 1973, the Ministry of National Development issued a closure order, and in 1979, the government officially requisitioned Peck San Theng.
Peck San Theng representatives held numerous negotiations with the Ministry of National Development, and eventually obtained an eight-acre site for future development. In the 1980s, Peck San Theng transformed from a burial grounds administration to an operator of columbarium services, cultural heritage activities and welfare services. It also turned the only remaining eight acres into a tourist attraction.
In 1882, the Hakkas originating from Guangdong’s Fengshun and Dabu counties, and Fujian’s Yongding county, bought a piece of land over 150 acres on Holland Road and established the burial grounds of the Fong Yun Thai Kongsi, which were known as Yu Shan Teng. The Fong Yun Thai Ancestral Hall was also built on the site to house and honour ancestral tablets. That same year, Fong Yun Thai Kongsi had been established by members of the three clans (approval was obtained in 1909).6 It was renamed the Fong Yun Thai Association before the turn of the 20th century. In December 1970, the Maritime and Port Authority of Singapore announced in the Republic of Singapore Government Gazette that the majority of the Yu Shan Teng burial site would be requisitioned as an inland container warehouse. After it was requisitioned in 1975, the Fong Yun Thai Association set up a burial hill development management committee, a 10-member committee responsible for planning, developing and making full use of the 6.38 acres of land that was preserved.
In the second half of the 19th century, Ying Fo Fui Kun purchased a site on Holland Road in 1887 and turned it into a burial ground. The two hills in the front and back of the site looked like a crouching dragon, so a fengshui master suggested naming it Shuang Long Shan. The two burial hills, commonly called the xinshan (new hill) and laoshan (old hill) burial sites, had a total area of 90 acres, and were together known as the Kar Yeng Five Districts Shuang Long Yishan (hereinafter Shuang Long Shan).
In the early days of Singapore’s independence, Shuang Long Shan met the same fate as the two aforementioned Cantonese and Hakka burial grounds. Shuang Long Shan, located in a site earmarked for development, received official notice of partial land requisition from the government in 1963. On 21 April 1963, the association executives resolved to send representatives to negotiate on 24 April of the same year. The Ministry of National Development later approved the return of about five acres of lower-lying land for use by Ying Fo Fui Kun to build a burial site and memorial hall. Since Shuang Long Shan was requisitioned, the association placed urns on both sides of the existing Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Ancestral Hall containing the ashes of the ancestors of the five districts.
Ancestor worship is an important belief integral to the Hakka community, and brings the entire ethnic group together. Cheng San Teng, Loke Yah Teng, Peck San Theng, Fong Yun Thai Ancestral Hall and Shuang Long Shan are all important places of ancestor worship for local Hakkas. The period from the 1960s to the 1980s was an important one for Singapore’s development. Hakka burial hills were requisitioned by the government for construction and development. Consequently, cemetery management organisations transformed into associations promoting culture and welfare.
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The development of art in Singapore, from its formative stage up till the mid-20th century, was inextricably linked to the Chinese community’s collective efforts to build up the foundation of education on the island. Although Sir Stamford Raffles (1781–1826), the founder of modern Singapore, had expressed the wish to “render our stations not only the seats of commerce but of literature and arts”, the first art instructor from England did not arrive till 1923 — more than a century later. While the British established an art academy in India (as the French did in Vietnam, and the Dutch did in Indonesia), they did not do so in Singapore.
Singapore’s earliest school was Raffles Institution, which was founded in 1823 to provide education for the children in the local community. According to an 1829 account by Reverend Claudius Henry Thomsen (1782–1835) of the London Missionary Society in Singapore, Rev. Thomsen had started three privately-run schools that taught in Cantonese and Hokkien in Kampong Glam and Pekin Street. These private schools preceded the establishment of free schools such as Chongwen Ge and Chui Eng Si E by the Hokkiens in 1849 and 1854 respectively. After the failed Hundred Days’ Reform in 1898, the Chinese in Singapore began forming “modern” schools such as Chong Cheng School, Yeung Ching School and Yin Sin School in 1905; Khee Fatt School and Tuan Mong School in 1906; and Tao Nan School in 1907. The Chinese High School and Chung Cheng High School were subsequently established in 1919 and 1939 respectively. Many of the teachers in these “modern” Chinese schools were artists and calligraphers who were also actively engaged in art education. The development of Chinese art in Singapore was therefore inextricably related to the Chinese school system.
By comparison, Malay education received little support from the colonial government until 1856, when two Malay day schools were set up in Telok Blangah and Kampong Glam. Tamil schools struggled to survive due to various challenges such as a small Tamil-speaking population and the lack of teachers. Other schools whose medium of instruction was English were also increasing in number as the island’s population grew. Among them were St Margaret’s School (1842), St Joseph’s Institution (1852), Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus (1854), St Andrew’s School (1862), Gan Eng Seng School (1885), Anglo Chinese School (1886), Methodist Girls’ School (1887) and Outram Secondary School (1906).
The emphasis on calligraphy, which predisposed students to aesthetic education, was a common feature of Chinese schools. Calligraphy remained very much in practice during the first two decades of the 20th century. During that period, the intelligentsia in China pushed for modernisation through dramatic social and cultural reforms, leading to the May Fourth Movement in China in 1919. Such events had a direct impact on art education in Singapore as almost all the art teachers in Chinese schools were from China.
Cai Yuanpei (1868–1940), China’s most influential educator and reformer, who served as the first education minister of the Republican government and head of Peking University, came to Singapore while en route to Europe on a study tour on 5 December 1920. During his brief stopover, he visited the newly-established Chinese High School and Tao Nan School and spoke at both venues. He spoke at some length at Tao Nan School, where students and staff were joined by those from Chinese High School, Tuan Mong School and Khee Fatt School. In his address, he reiterated that an equal emphasis on physical education, knowledge education, moral education and aesthetic education was integral to character building. He had first advanced a similar idea in a 1912 essay, where he expressed views on modern education in China and traced aesthetic education and moral education to the Confucian emphasis on rituals and music in ancient times.
Later, in a speech in 1917, he argued for aesthetic education to become a substitute for religion in China — a position he would return to time and again.1 Like his contemporaries Chen Duxiu (1879–1942) and Lu Xun (1881–1936) — considered among China’s greatest 20th century intellectuals — Cai was a cosmopolitan thinker of the May Fourth generation, and deeply concerned about China finding a path towards modernity. The May Fourth Movement began in 1919, and marked a decisive break from outdated traditions with the introduction of new ideas into the cultural life of the Chinese. It had tremendous influence on the Chinese in China and those overseas. As a result of Cai’s influence, the status of aesthetic education in China was for the first time elevated to being as important as other types of education. It was Cai who appointed Lin Fengmian (1900–1991) to head the new National Academy of Art in Hangzhou in 1928. This premier academy, which emphasised modern art, later produced outstanding artists of international renown such as Li Keran (1907–1989), Zao Wou-ki (1920–2013), Wu Guanzhong (1919–2010), Zhu Dequn (1920–2014) and Shui Tit Sing (1914–1997). Shui, a classmate of Zao’s, settled in Singapore in 1940 and was active as an artist besides working as a schoolteacher.
This could well be the reason why the early Chinese schools always had artists on their teaching staff, and continued to produce a good number of important artists who became active in Singapore throughout the century.
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The Hainanese community used to have a cemetery known as “Hai Lam Sua” or “Kongsi Sua”. Every Hainanese person knew where it was located, and the name would come up repeatedly among the community during Qing Ming Festival. Dating back over 100 years, Kongsi Sua — along with all matters relating to it — was managed by Hainanese organisation and temple Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong.
Families would flock to the cemetery during the Qing Ming Festival each year, leading to traffic congestion. Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong had to request police assistance for three days before and after the festival to manage the traffic. When cars arrived at the junction of the cemetery, workers would follow the visitors to the respective plots to mow the grass, a service for which they were paid a few dollars. The Hainanese usually brought chicken and rice balls as offerings, which they would then eat on site after paying their respects.
There used to be two Kongsi Sua, and both were located along Upper Thomson Road. The old Kongsi Sua sat right next to MacRitchie Reservoir, near where Lakeview Shopping Centre used to be. Most of the buildings there have since been demolished, leaving only three blocks of Housing and Urban Development Company (HUDC) flats.
The new cemetery, also known as the new Hai Lam Sua, was at the fifth milestone along Thomson Road, near Sin Ming Road. The entire piece of land used to be filled with graves of varying sizes: those belonging to wealthy families were several times larger than regular tombs, and were often surrounded by flowers and plants.
In the past, most Hainanese kept ancestral tablets in their homes. But with many surname-based community organisations now providing designated spaces to house ancestral tablets, some households have moved theirs to these places, which they would visit during special occasions to pay respects to their ancestors.
During the Japanese Occupation (1942–1945), activities at Kongsi Sua came to a standstill. For three years and eight months, it saw no visitors. Things returned to normal only after the Japanese had surrendered. By 1948, both the new and old cemeteries had fallen into disrepair — roads were severely damaged and graves were overgrown with weeds. Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong began repairing the roads, and Kong Meng San Phor Kark See Monastery was invited to join the project and share its cost.
As many attap houses had sprung up illegally around the cemeteries, Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong duly reported the situation to the authorities. It also hired surveyors to map out boundaries and set land area limits. With the updated measurements, Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong was able to manage the cemetery more effectively.
Kongsi Sua, also known as Yu Shan Ting or Yushan Pavilion, had been known to exist since 1862. An old stone inscription, which is still kept at Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong and Hainan Hwee Kuan, details the cemetery’s history: “According to this stone inscription erected jointly by Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong and the clan association on 22 December 1972 to record the relocation of Yu Shan Ting, the original Yu Shan Ting was located at the fifth milestone along Thomson Road where the old Hai Lam Sua was. The cemetery was collectively purchased in 1862 by our forebears, including Liang Yaguang, Chen Yachun, Chen Yawen, Huang Yaxin, and Huang Yafeng, as a resting place for those who had passed away on this land. In 1890, an additional 20-odd mu (more than 1.3 hectares) of land adjacent to the cemetery was bought by Zheng Zhibing, Chen Ruzhen, Zhou Jifeng, Lin Shudong, and others as the property of Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong, for the use of offering sacrifices to our ancestors. The cemeteries had to be relocated as the land was to be requisitioned by the government for housing development and road expansion. After several negotiations, an agreement was reached in the fall of 1970 to transfer all 5,828 graves to Choa Chu Kang Cemetery. In accordance with social customs, a commemorative pavilion, named Yu Shan Ting, was built after the move was completed.”
More than 5,000 sets of cremated remains were later relocated to the fourth floor of Block 1, Choa Chu Kang Columbarium. Today, council members of Kheng Chiu Tin Hou Kong pay their respects at the columbarium every year during the Qing Ming Festival.
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In multi-racial, multi-religious, multi-lingual Singapore, where East meets West, traditional Chinese opera stands as an important keeper of Singaporean Chinese heritage.
Traditional Chinese opera in Singapore has been documented in both Western and Chinese historical records over many years, the earliest being an 1845 account describing Chinese street opera during the Lunar New Year by Charles Wilkes (1798–1877), commander of the United States Exploring Expedition.1After that, Li Zhongjue (1853–1927), then the Chinese consul in Singapore, gave a more detailed account of what he witnessed in 1887 at a theatre performance in his book Xinjiapo fengtu ji (The Local Landscape and Customs in Singapore): “At a place named Niucheshui (Chinatown) in Dapo (South Bridge Road area), there are restaurants, brothels, and theatres… with male and female troupes. Four to five venues in Dapo and one or two in Xiaopo (North Bridge Road area) all perform Cantonese opera and occasionally stage Hokkien and Teochew opera for their respective kinfolk…”2
Records show that before 1893, there were already eight theatres in Singapore: Lai Chun Yuen at 36 Smith Street in Chinatown; Pu Chang Chun, which later became Heng Wai Sun and Heng Seng Peng at 21 and 24 Wayang Street (now known as Eu Tong Sen Street) respectively; Ee Hng at 41 Merchant Road, the street at which Jing Chun Yuan, Yang Chun Yuan, Dan Gui Yuan, and Sheng Chun Yuan were also located; and Diet Hng at 61 New Market Road (also known as Feng Jiao Jie locally).3Among these early theatres, Lai Chun Yuen, Heng Wai Sun, and Heng Seng Peng performed Cantonese opera exclusively (though Heng Seng Peng also performed Hokkien and Peking opera later on), while Diet Hng and Ee Hng mainly staged Teochew opera.4
At the turn of the 20th century, two new theatres were built at Chinatown. The first was the Palacegay Theatre, which was established in 1921 at the intersection of New Bridge Road and Kreta Ayer Road and later renamed Oriental Theatre (known as Oriental Plaza today). The second was built diagonally across from the Palacegay Theatre in 1928 and called the Tien Yien Moh Toi. It was renamed Queen’s Theatre in 1938 upon leasing it when it was rented out to Shaw Organisation and specially screened Cantonese films, and subsequently Majestic Theatre (now known as The Majestic) when the lease was transferred to Majestic Film Company in 1945.
In the early days, traditional Chinese opera performances were often held in teahouses in the Chinatown area, such as at Da Dong Restaurant, Nan Tang Restaurant, and the Nam Tin Restaurant (now known as Yue Hwa Building), among others. The Nam Tin Restaurant, located in the Great Southern Hotel was built by tycoon Eu Tong Sen (1877–1941), a lover of Cantonese opera, and its rooftop terrace on the sixth floor was a teahouse where Cantonese and Peking opera were performed.
Built in 1923 along Serangoon Road and Kitchener Road, New World (1923–1987) was Singapore’s first large-scale amusement park, and staged free traditional Chinese opera, plays, and singing performances. In 1929, a local tycoon bought a piece of land in the Kim Seng Road area not far from Chinatown and built Great World (1931–1981), which also staged a variety of traditional Chinese opera performances and plays for free. In 1935, the final of the famous trio of amusement parks, Happy World (1937–1964), was built between Mountbatten Road and Geylang Road and later renamed Gay World (1964–2000). It had two arenas dedicated to performing various types of traditional Chinese opera, including Cantonese, Teochew, and Hokkien opera.
Early immigrants from Fujian, Guangdong, Hainan, and other regions from southern China introduced traditional Chinese opera to Singapore. As a province well-known for its opera, Fujian is home to many genres of traditional Chinese operas with a long history, including min opera, liyuan opera, gaojia opera, xiang opera (also known as gezai opera), and more, though none was ever known specifically as Hokkien opera. In fact, the term “Hokkien opera” emerged during the localisation process of Chinese opera in Singapore.
Min opera, also known as Fuzhou or Fuqing opera, is the local traditional opera in Fujian that is sung or recited in the Fuzhou dialect. The accompanying music for min opera evolved mainly from the yiyang vocal style, siping vocal style, anhui opera, and kun opera.
In Singapore, what was broadly referred to as Hokkien opera was called gaojia opera in the early days.5Gaojia opera was popular in the vast southern Fujian area where the min dialects were spoken, Taiwan, and Chinese-populated areas in Southeast Asia. Its origins can be traced back to folk festivals dedicated to deities that were popular with southern Fujian folk in the late-Ming and early-Qing period. It evolved from simple martial arts performances to shows with intricate storylines, such that by the end of the Qing dynasty, it had cemented itself as a unique genre of local opera, containing elements from kun opera, hui opera, yiyang tune, and Peking opera, among others. It was then that it received the name of gaojia opera, gao referring to the tall stages it was performed on and jia referring to the armour and spears that were part of performers’ costumes.
Historically speaking, gaojia opera was the earliest traditional Chinese opera genre from Fujian that came to Singapore.6Before 1843, gaojia opera troupes from Nan’an in Fujian had already been to Singapore to perform. Later, other troupes arrived, such as Fu Jin Xing (1844–1850), Fu Yu Xing (1851–1857), Fu Quan Xing (1855–1860), and Xi Dong (1862–1866).7Gaojia opera in Singapore thus gradually rose to prominence, reaching its peak in the early 20th century.8
At the turn of the 20th century, a huge wave of Chinese immigrants from Fuzhou headed south to Singapore, bringing along Fuzhou opera (min opera). Between 1920 and 1940, Fuzhou opera troupes that came to Singapore to perform included Xin Sai Yue (1928), Qun Fang Nu (1927), and others.9Following that, the earliest homegrown Fuzhou opera guild, See Mee Club (1930), was formed under the Singapore Foochow Association and exclusively performed min operas from China.10
Gezai opera is another Chinese dialect opera genre belonging to the Minnan language family. During the late-Ming and early-Qing period in the 17th century, immigrants from the Minnan region introduced jin songs, which originated from folk songs, to Taiwan. Its lyrics were translated into Taiwanese dialects, and the genre was known as gezaidiao, gezaizhen, and more, before finally spreading throughout Taiwan as gezai opera. In 1928, the Taiwanese gezai opera troupe San Yue Hsuan brought the genre back to the Minnan region by performing widely in Longxi and Xiamen. During this period, especially in the area near Zhangzhou’s Xiangjiang river basin, there were more than 250 gezai opera schools.11 In 1954, this particular type of performance was officially named xiang opera by the China government.12
In 1930, the Feng Huang troupe arrived in Singapore and performed at Heng Seng Peng. Thereafter, other gezai opera troupes like Feng Wu She, Sai Feng Huang, Xin Feng Huang, Tong Yi She, De Sheng She, Dan Feng She, and others, arrived to perform at theatres, amusement parks, kampongs, and other locations.13
In 1936, gaojia opera troupe Fu Yong Xing, which had already taken root in Singapore, also began to perform gezai opera, changing its name to the Xin Sai Feng Weiji Minju tuan (Sin Sai Hong Gwee’s Hokkien Opera Troupe). Gaojia opera troupes gradually lost influence in Singapore and the genre’s hundred-year legacy and popularity came to an end in 1942 with the dissolution of Tong Fu Xing, with gezai opera taking its place. This marked a unique milestone in Singapore’s Hokkien opera scene. Evidently, the evolution from gaojia, to min, to gezai or xiang opera reflects the transformation and maturation of local Hokkien opera through the integration of the strengths of different opera genres.
Traditional Teochew opera, also known as Chaozhou opera, chaoyin opera, and Chaozhou baizi opera, is one of the three major genres of traditional opera from Guangdong (the other two being yue opera and Guangdong han opera) and also one of the 10 major types of traditional Chinese opera. With a history of over 400 years, Teochew opera is one of the oldest local Chinese operas and belongs to a branch of southern operas dating back to the Yuan and Ming dynasties, having emerged from Teochew-speaking regions. Its beautiful song and dance performances can be traced back to Central Plains culture, such as the baixi (acrobatics) and dance of the Tang dynasty, as well as influences from the Lingnan region during that time period. Teochew opera music also has a tradition of using offstage supporting vocals, a singing style not commonly seen in other local Chinese opera genres. More importantly, Teochew opera plays an important role in preserving the thousand-year-old Teochew culture.
Towards the end of Emperor Guangxu’s reign during the Qing dynasty (1875–1908), the popularity of Teochew opera was at its peak, having spread to coastal areas like Shanghai, the Leizhou Peninsula, Hainan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore, which was a major hub for the dissemination and development of Teochew opera in Southeast Asia. In addition to the Lao Sai Thor Guan Opera Troupe, which had already taken root in Singapore since 1853, the Lao Gheg Lao Cung troupe was also among the earliest Teochew opera troupes to arrive in Singapore in 1900. The Lau Sai Yong Hong troupe, the Lao Rong He Xing troupe, the Lao Wan Li Chun troupe, and others, arrived more than a decade later.
Traditional Cantonese opera, also known as Guangfu opera and Guangdong opera, is a mainstream genre from Guangdong that can similarly be traced back to the southern opera of the Yuan dynasty. Originating in Foshan and appearing in the region of Guangdong and Guangxi during Emperor Jiajing’s reign of the Ming dynasty (1522–1566), it is performed in the Cantonese dialect.
In the fourth year of Emperor Xianfeng’s reign of the Qing dynasty (1854), Li Wenmao (unknown–1858), a famous Cantonese opera wusheng (martial and elderly male lead) from Heshan, Guangdong, joined the Taiping Rebellion (1851–1864) together with the three armies he organised comprising his fellow troupe artistes: the wenhu (scholarly tigers), menghu (fierce tigers), and feihu (flying tigers). Together, they stormed the city, killed the magistrate, and declared a new regime in his name, only to be quashed later by the Qing military. To eradicate all remaining influence of the three armies, the Qing government slaughtered troupe artistes and banned Cantonese opera performances for 15 years. During this period, local Cantonese opera artists fled to other counties or migrated overseas, including to Singapore.
In 1857, Cantonese opera artistes in Singapore officially established their own guild called Li Yuan Tang, later renamed Pat Wo Wui Kun in 1890, on Chin Chew Street (commonly known as Tofu Street then) in Chinatown to provide assistance to Cantonese opera artists from Guangdong who had sought refuge here. As a result, Singapore was known as the second home of traditional Cantonese opera.
Perhaps the most well-known genre of traditional Chinese opera, Peking opera took shape during the reigns of Emperors Daoguang (1782–1850) and Guangxu (1875–1908) during the Qing dynasty.14It evolved from its predecessor, hui opera, also commonly known as pihuang opera. The most important stages of development in the history of Peking opera seemed to loosely coincide with Singapore’s founding in 1819 and its subsequent development, namely its incubation period from 1790 to 1880, its maturation from 1880 to 1917, and its peak from 1917 to 1938.15
According to historical records, the earliest Peking opera performance in Singapore was by Fu Xiang Sheng. Over 90 members strong, it was made up of key members of Fuzhou’s Xiang Sheng troupe — of hui origin — as well as artistes selected from Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai. They performed from 27 December 1893 to 6 January 1894 at the Heng Seng Peng theatre in Chinatown.16
At the time, Peking opera had developed from an imperial court opera to one that had spread throughout all regions in China. There were also Fuzhou opera troupes in Singapore that modelled themselves after Fu Xiang Sheng and invited Peking opera artistes from all over China to join them. In 1910, Xin Xiang He, resident troupe of Heng Seng Peng, invited over 80 Peking opera artistes from Xiamen to them and perform on the same stage. As a result, Fuzhou and Peking opera performers sharing the same stage became a defining feature of Singapore’s Peking opera scene during that period.17
Qiong opera, also known as traditional Hainanese opera, shares a common lineage with liyuan opera and Teochew opera, among others. The predecessor of Hainanese opera was tuxi, which was initially introduced to Hainan from the southern Fujian and Chaoshan regions. Its singing style is derived from the high-pitched and intense yiyang vocal style, and performed by the lead vocal and an answering chorus. Later on, it absorbed Hainanese folk songs and musical styles such as gewu bayin (eight melodies of song and dance) and developed into a local opera genre with Hainanese characteristics.18
During Emperor Xianfeng’s reign of the Qing dynasty (1831–1861), artiste Qing Shoulan (1805–1895) from Longgun Village in Wanning, Hainan established the Qiong Shun troupe in 1852 to perform in various parts of Hainan Island. Due to the corruption within the Qing government, anti-Qing sentiments among the people were high, and progressive artistes wrote and performed a large number of anti-Qing plays, leading to them being constantly cracked down on by Qing soldiers. Because of this, Qing Shoulan led his troupe to flee to Southeast Asia in 1859. After arriving in Singapore, it became Hainanese opera’s earliest wenwu troupe (troupe with both singing and martial arts scene) in Southeast Asia. The Xing Zhou opera society that was later founded by Qing Shoulan became the pioneer of Hainanese opera in Singapore.
In the 1920s, feudal warlords created much chaos in Guangdong, causing a large number of Hainanese opera artistes to sail to Singapore, including Qiong Han Nian; Xiu Ming, also known as San Sheng Ban (1927); and Wu Fa Feng (1927). That marked the start of the golden age of Hainanese opera in Singapore.
During the unique formation and evolution of local traditional Chinese opera, there was an influx and spread of Guangdong han opera (hanju), also known as waijiang hanxi, or waijiang xi (1910–1940) in Singapore. This form of opera was practised by amateur ruyue (scholar’s music) societies, such as the Er Woo Amateur Musical & Dramatic Association (1912), Lak Aik Amateur Musical and Drama Association (1929), the Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association (1931), and Xinghua Ruyue She (1935). This contributed greatly to the development of ruyue in Singapore, and has gone on to shape the distinctive characteristics of Singapore’s Teochew opera ever since.
In the past 30 years, Shanghai yue opera has also been introduced and brought into Singapore, resulting in the emergence of a number of newly established local yue opera troupes, which are increasingly loved by young audiences.
Ini Indexs
Unlike traditional Chinese opera, which uses song and dance to tell stories, Chinese theatre (or drama) conveys narratives, dramatic conflict, and characterisation mainly through spoken dialogue – including monologues – as well as other techniques. Chinese theatre in Singapore started to take shape only in the early 20th century, much later than traditional Chinese opera, which was already well-established in Singapore by the late 19th century.
From a sociohistorical perspective, Chinese theatre sprang from the growing dissatisfaction that early 20th century Chinese intellectuals and newer audiences had with the form and content of traditional opera. As a result, this gave rise to a more “modern” type of performance.1
The earliest Chinese theatre performance in Singapore could be traced back to 1913, at the Sheng Ping Yuan theatre in Chinatown. The Zhen Tian Sheng troupe from Hong Kong performed plays written in vernacular Chinese or baihua (plain Chinese) there.2That same year, Lai Chun Yuen, a traditional Cantonese opera venue in Chinatown, also staged baihua plays by local troupe Qi Ying Shan She, which was considered “a pioneering feat in modern theatre in Singapore”.3
At that time, this type of performance — distinct from traditional Chinese opera — was known in China as xinju (new play), wenmingxi (cultured play), aimeiju (amateur play), or baihuaju (vernacular play). In 1928, Hong Shen (1894–1955), the first Chinese director to study Western drama in the United States, began to define such performances as huaju. In Singapore, such performances were known as xinju, and later baihuaxi.4Baihua refers to the language used in daily life, as opposed to verses and lyrics recited in classical Chinese in traditional Chinese opera. Local scholar Quah Sy Ren discovered that most of the languages spoken in these baihua plays that appeared in Singapore at the time were likely the dialects of different Chinese-speaking ethnic groups who hailed from different parts of China.5
In 1914, the first formal baihua theatre company in Singapore, the Guofeng Huanjing Cishanban, was jointly set up by several major newspapers and book publishers, which premiered plays such as Heihai cihang (Sailing the Dark Sea), Hairen zhong haiji (Karma Strikes), and Guohuai xingxue (National Education) in 1915.6 In the same year, an all-female local theatre company called Nüjie Cishe was set up, and staged charity performances at Sheng Ping Yuan.7
As Quah pointed out, baihua plays by Chinese theatre troupes who travelled south, as well as those being actively performed locally in the 1920s, formed the foundations of modern Chinese theatre in Singapore.8
The Rensheng Baihua Jushe premiered three plays in 1918, the year it was founded, to raise funds for disaster relief. These plays were Dongfang jianying (The Shadow of the Sword in the Bridal Chamber), Xunhuanjing (Rotating Mirror), and Fengliudu (Venomous Romance). Back on stage again in 1920, it later held three to four performances a year between 1922 and 1926. This led to the emergence of more local baihua theatre clubs in the 1920s.
During this period, most of these baihua clubs were amateur theatre groups. In addition to Rensheng Baihua Jushe, the more active groups were Nanyang Chinese Students Society (established in 1919), Tong Seok Dramatic Association (1924), Baihua Cishan Jushe (1920), Hoi Thin Club (1920), Qingnian Jindehui (1921), United Chinese Library (1922), Xingyu Lizhi Xueshe (1923), Tongwen Shubaoshe (1923), and Tarn Kah Keng Ying Charitable Dramatic Association (1926).
Theatre performances by students and alumni associations were also a notable feature of early baihua theatre in Singapore. As early as 1915, students from Yeung Ching School (now Yangzheng Primary School) organised a baihua theatre club and performed Dufu xianxing (An Evil Woman Exposed), Hao naner (A Good Man), Tonge youbao (An Eye for an Eye), and Jiagou an (Case of the Fake Dog), creating a local student theatre scene. According to Quah, more than 40 local primary and secondary schools staged student plays from 1919 to the 1920s.9
When local baihua theatre was in still in early days, the majority of performances were organised for charitable causes. Most plays were still being developed — many did not even have scripts, only an outline of the scenes. Those that did have scripts were still rough around the edges.10 Performance standards were not high yet, mainly because baihua theatre still lacked a clear vision when it came to content and artistic form.
From 1927, discussions of “incorporating Nanyang colours into the arts” started to appear in Singapore-Malayan newspapers. After the article “The development of the new drama movement in Nanyang” was published in Kwong Wah Yit Poh,11 Lat Pau also pitched in with an article in 1929 by Huang Seng that proposed “rooting the arts in Nanyang soil, and creating literary and artistic works with Nanyang characteristics”.12 There were 22 Chinese theatre scripts written locally between 1922 and 1932.13 And since 1933, the centre of Malayan Chinese theatre activities had shifted from Penang to Singapore.
Besides Sheng Ping Yuan theatre (the new theatre), Heng Wai Sun, Heng Seng Peng, and Tong Le Yuan, all of which mainly performed traditional Chinese opera at the time, Wonderland Amusement Park (1921), New World Amusement Park (1923), Great World Amusement Park (1930), and Happy World (1936, renamed Gay World Amusement Park in 1966) all had areas for the performance of traditional Chinese opera as well as short baihua plays. During that period, professional song and dance troupes from China travelled to Singapore to perform. Among them were two troupes from Shanghai, the Bright Moon Song and Dance Troupe (1928) led by Li Jinhui, widely regarded as the father of Chinese popular music; and the Plum Blossom Song and Dance Troupe (1933/1935), which performed comedies and new plays.
In addition, Qingnian Lizhi Xueshe — established in 1919, and renamed Qingnian Lizhi She, or Nanyang Chinese Students’ Society in 1929 — became a driving force behind local baihua theatre in the early 1930s. It performed twice at the Victoria Memorial Hall (now Victoria Theatre and Concert Hall) in the 1920s,14 staging Youyihui zhuanchang (Special Entertainment) in 1923, and Kelian guiliyue (Poor Moon in the Boudoir) in 1924. This started the trend of holding Chinese-language arts performances in venues previously exclusive to Western performing arts.
In 1933, the society performed four local original short plays at the same venue: Fang Niang (Miss Fang), Lülinzhong (In the Green Forest), Yisinü (Serving Girl), and Xiongmei zhi’ai (Love Between Siblings). These shows were widely thought to have invigorated the Chinese theatre scene in Singapore.15
That same year, there were three other noteworthy performances by local companies: Nan gui (Returning South) by the Mayfair Musical and Dramatic Association; Shehui zhong (Clock of Society) and Chuxi (New Year’s Eve) by Ai Tong School Alumni Association; and Shenghuo de yizhi (The Will to Live) by Nam Loo Society. These vibrant developments were an important part of the transformation of Chinese theatre in Singapore.
In 1937, following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in China, theatre activities became the main art form through which the local Chinese expressed their support for the anti-Japanese resistance. As a result, Chinese theatre in Singapore continued to mature as performances were held frequently. This period is regarded as the first peak in its historical development.16
First, student theatre activities in Singapore had grown significantly. In 1937, local schools performed a number of classic Chinese plays from abroad. For instance, Chong Hock Girls’ School performed Cao Yu’s (1910–1996) Thunderstorm, while Nan Hwa Girls’ School performed Tian Han’s (1898–1968) Return of Spring.
Second, the Singapore Amateur Theatre was established that year, bringing together well-known figures from the realms of theatre, education, music, and other arts circles. On multiple occasions between 1938 and 1939, the group performed plays related to the anti-Japanese war movement, including street drama Fangxia nide bianzi (Put Down Your Whip), Richu (Sunrise), and Yuye (Rainy Night).
Third, during this period, professional performing arts troupes from China, such as the Wuhan Chorus (1938) and the New China Drama Troupe (1940), came as either guest performers or collaborated with local companies. They brought with them more original works related to the anti-Japanese war resistance, as well as classic traditional operas, which inspired the emergence of more original local Chinese plays.
Between 1937 and 1941, 77 Chinese plays were published in Singapore. Although most of these works had anti-Japanese and nationalist themes, they also reflected the everyday realities of Singapore and Malaya. This inspired local playwrights to localise and adapt theatrical content as a creative pursuit.17One-act plays and dialect plays were the main new creations that arose during this period.
In 1939, Britain declared war on Germany and wartime laws were enacted in Singapore, making regular it increasingly difficult for theatre activities to go on. Amateur theatre clubs were temporarily forced to disband. In early 1942, Singapore fell to the Japanese and street theatre activities ground to a complete halt, leading to a slump in Chinese theatre.
From the end of World War II in 1945 to the establishment of the Republic of Singapore in 1965, Singapore had transitioned from the anti-colonial period to self-governance and finally to independence. During this period, local Chinese theatre also experienced a revival, embracing a vibrant new outlook. Quah referred to the 15-year anti-colonial period as “one of the most vibrant and active periods of modern Singapore theatre, brimming with a strong sense of social consciousness”.18
During the first stage of the anti-colonial period from 1945 to 1949, there were as many as 17 Chinese theatre companies in Singapore, including the Xingzhou Experimental Theatre, Seagull Theatre Company, Singapore Children’s Playhouse, Zhonghua Juyishe, Min Sin Dramatic Association, Lu Nam Ke Huan, and Xinlongfeng Min Dialect Troupe, among others.19 Professional screenwriters and directors emerged from these companies, among them Zhu Xu (1909–2007), Low Ing Sing (1924–2000) and Lin Chen (1919–2004) from Xingzhou Experimental Theatre; and Du Bian (1914–1997) from Singapore Children’s Playhouse and the Seagull Theatre Company.
Besides professional groups, there were as many as 28 amateur clubs during that period. The more active ones included the Malaya New Democratic Youth League, Mayfair Musical and Dramatic Association, the drama arm of Bell O’Morn Musical Association, Yeung Ching Alumni Association, Young Men’s Christian Association of Singapore, and the Hokkien Huay Kuan’s education promotion group.20 Seven theatrical companies belonging to professional trade unions also emerged around that time.21
There were also 22 school theatre clubs. Chung Cheng School’s 1954 performance of the classic Chinese play Family at the Victoria Theatre exhibited such a high level of professionalism that it was considered an important milestone in the history of Malayan Chinese theatre development.22
At the same time, the appearance of two theatre companies from abroad meant that local audiences were able to enjoy many well-developed Chinese plays. The Mingxing Troupe, from Hong Kong, staged a Cantonese version of Thunderstorm (1945). The China Music Dance and Drama Society also presented original works such as Singapore’s Chinatown: A Changing Scene and The Fate of Three Miles Village in 1947–1948. Dialect plays from the pre-war era also resurfaced.23
During this boom, a group of new theatre companies emerged, such as the Zhongjiao Jutuan (1953), which comprised secondary school teachers; Kang Leh Musical Association (1954); Rediffusion Mandarin Drama Group (1954); Arts Theatre of Singapore (1955), initiated by the alumni of Chung Cheng High School Drama Club; Artist Association of Singapore (1956) comprising professional getai entertainers; I-Lien Drama Society (1957), backed by the original key members of Zhongjiao Jutuan; Nanyang University Theatre Society (1957); Cathay Organisation (1958); Xingzhou Juyishe (1959).
Although they were known as “amateur theatre clubs”, these non-professional companies demonstrated a certain level of expertise in their performances, as seen in the selection of complex, classic plays they put up, as well as from newspaper reviews of their performances. Among them, the Arts Theatre of Singapore and I-Lien Drama Society performed more frequently, and mostly featured classic overseas Chinese plays. Today, both organisations are still active, making them the two oldest surviving local Chinese theatre companies in Singapore.
Ini Indexs
Singapore achieved self-governance in 1959, joined Malaysia in 1963, and became an independent nation in 1965. During this period, the Chinese language theatre scene in Singapore developed its own unique characteristics.
In 1959, the government proposed building the National Theatre. To raise funds for the theatre, which officially opened in 1963, the Singapore Amateur Players (now Arts Theatre of Singapore) staged two charity performances in 1960 of Singapore’s Chinatown: A Changing Scene written by Yue Ye (1920–2001) in 1948, as well as another double bill of the original one-act play by local playwrights Lin Chen (1919–2004) and Lu Bai.
In 1960, the government’s Ministry of Culture held its first playwriting competition, which included categories in the four official languages. The winning works were adapted into radio plays and performed by Radio Singapura. The government also held two annual cultural festivals in 1960 and 1961 under the National Theatre Fund committee. During this period, performances of local plays were received with much enthusiasm.1
In 1965, the Ministry of Culture started a committee for promoting theatre, and organised a local one-act playwriting competition. That same year, the Central Cultural Bureau of the People’s Action Party also established a drama arm, and held a special performance of original one-act local plays at Victoria Theatre.
On 9 August 1965, the Republic of Singapore was born. That year, Kuo Pao Kun (1939–2002) and Goh Lay Kuan set up the Singapore Performing Arts School and staged their first play, Kaoyan (The Test). In 1972, graduates from the drama training programme founded their own troupe called Selatan Arts Ensemble (later known as the Southern Arts Society).
The Singapore Children’s Playhouse was born in 1965. Initially affiliated with the Chinese department of Radio Singapura, its members were mentored by senior broadcasters and Thia Mong Teck (1936–2007), the brain behind radio plays. In 1970, the Children’s Playhouse became an independent arts organisation. It went on to set up more than 10 professional units for various activities. As its members grew older, a youth branch was established in 1971. At its peak, the Children’s Playhouse and its youth offshoot had close to 500 members. It was one of the most active local Chinese theatre companies in the 1970s.
The bustling 1970s also saw the birth of more Chinese language theatre companies,2 including the Singapore Art Experimental Studio (1971), Life Drama Society (1971), People’s Association Cultural Troupe’s drama group (1972), Xiang Yang Jushe (1972), Chuen-Lei Literature and Arts Association (1972), Young People’s Performing Arts Ensemble (1973), Singapore Broadway Playhouse (1973), Sun Flower Arts Ensemble (1973), Hsinghai Art Association (1974), Chang Feng Jushe (1974), and Chang-Tee Cultural Organisation (1974).
In 1978, the government launched the Drama Promotion Scheme, and the Ministry of Culture began organising annual theatre festivals in the four official languages. This important platform for Chinese language theatre performance spanned the entire 1980s, and gave rise to an array of original classic plays by local theatre companies, such as The Flying Swallow (1984) by the Singapore Amateur Players, Princess Jasmine (1984), by I-Lien Drama Society, and Five Libras (1986) by the Southern Arts Society.3
More theatre companies were established during this period, including the Chin Kang Huay Kuan’s affiliated drama group (1978); Chuangyi Xijutuan (1980); the theatre company under the Nanyang Fang Shee Association (1983–1986); and the Lianhe Bao Drama Group (1984). Local bilingual Chinese-English theatre companies also made their debut, such as The Practice Theatre Ensemble (1986), which was renamed The Theatre Practice in 1996; as well as Arts & Acts (1986–1989).
Plays performed by students and alumni associations also ushered in a new chapter for the local theatre scene. It was common to see plays performed by junior college students. National Junior College, for instance, mounted a special staging of one-act plays at the Victoria Theatre in 1976. That same year, Hwa Chong Junior College organised an annual theatre festival featuring public performances. Nanyang Junior College and Temasek Junior College also started staging theatre performances for the public in 1976 and 1977 respectively.
Theatre activities by junior college students resulted in a fresh pool of talent in the local scene. For example, Hwa Chong Junior College alumni who performed Fuhao mama in 1991 — among them Lim Hai Yen, Baey Yam Keng, and others — would go on to form theatre group The ETCeteras five years later. The group remains active today.
At the fourth Singapore Festival of Arts in 1982, 14 local Chinese language theatre companies teamed up to present The Little White Sailing Boat, ushering in another period of flourishing of Chinese theatre in the 1980s.4 The production brought together a team of veterans who were still active in Singapore Chinese theatre. For instance, Wang Qiutian (1905–1990) and Zhu Xu (1909–2007) were advisors; Low Ing Sing (1924–2002) and Tay Bin Wee (1926–2000) served as chairpersons; and Lin Chen and Chow Liliang (1926–2019) were playwright-directors. Kuo Pao Kun was executive writer-director of the production, which featured close to 50 actors from different generations, as well as members of the 14 theatre companies who worked behind the scenes. It held six sold-out performances at the Victoria Theatre — four in end-1982 and two more the following year.
In 1984, 17 local Chinese theatre companies again collaborated for a performance of Han Lao Da’s new play Oolah World. The production, directed by Hua Liang, Han Lao Da, and Kuo, signalled the rise of a new generation in local Chinese theatre. Two years later, the Singapore Festival of Arts featured Kopi Diam, which was written and directed by Kuo Pao Kun. It involved 23 theatre companies, including those from clan associations as well as National Junior College, Hwa Chong Junior College, Nanyang Junior College, and Temasek Junior College. The event took collaborative Chinese theatre in Singapore to new heights.
In 1991, the National Arts Council was established to oversee the planning and implementation of national policies related to the arts. Around the same time, Kuo Pao Kun founded The Substation in 1990. As Singapore’s first independent contemporary arts centre, it was a platform for the arts in different languages and mediums, especially those that were more experimental and avant-garde. As a younger generation of arts practitioners matured, the 1990s saw the birth of more trailblazing organisations. Among them were Drama Box (1990); Toy Factory Productions (1990); The ETCeteras (1991); Lim Jen Erh and Friends (later renamed Yixiang Zhizhuoqun) (1992); Wutai Zapai Jun (1994); Theatre OX (1995); and The Finger Players (1996), which was founded under The Practice Theatre Ensemble and went independent in 1999.5
Esplanade — Theatres on the Bay, a milestone in the history of Singapore’s arts and cultural development, opened in 2002. In 2005, Drama Centre moved from its Fort Canning home to the newly-completed National Library building, where it has a 615-seat mid-sized theatre and a 120-seat black box. Modern facilities gave various local performing arts activities, including Chinese theatre, a boost as arts groups here strove for greater professional development.
During this period, notable local theatre companies such as The Practice Theatre, Toy Factory Productions, Drama Box, Arts Theatre of Singapore, and I-Lien Drama Society regularly staged original plays and experimented with different styles. Other companies like The Finger Players and Paper Monkey Theatre (2008) focused on developing styles in puppetry performance. While The Finger Players targeted youths, Paper Monkey Theatre pitched its performances at children and families.
The list of companies would not be complete without Nine Years Theatre (2012) and Emergency Stairs (2017), both unique with their own artistic directions. Nine Years Theatre is dedicated to reinterpreting classic works, as well as producing adaptations of local Mandarin classics in Chinese dialects. Emergency Stairs, meanwhile, is the only experimental Chinese language theatre company known for multidisciplinary and multifaceted works which push artistic boundaries.
Singapore Focus Theatre, comprising graduates from the theatre department of Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts (NAFA), was established in 2010 and became a non-profit organisation in 2016. Since 2002, the graduation performances of (Chinese) drama majors at NAFA have been geared towards reviving world theatre classics, including local original plays. The event has since become an indispensable part of the colourful local Chinese theatre scene.
In the new millennium, unique and mature works of local theatre — reflecting the scene’s multifaceted quality — have appeared on the global stage.
In 2014, the Singapore Arts Festival (established in 1999) was rebranded as the Singapore International Festival of Arts (SIFA). Nanyang, The Musical , a commissioned work that was jointly presented by local artistes, premiered at the inaugural SIFA 2015. Two years later, Nine Years Theatre was commissioned to adapt and stage the local Chinese literary work Art Studio (2017). Every year since then, commissioned productions and performances by local Chinese language theatre companies have been a regular feature of SIFA.
More local Chinese theatre companies have also taken the initiative to organise drama or arts festivals since 2000. These include Works for Pao Kun – Legend Alive (2002) by Practice Performing Arts Centre, where international directors paid tribute to the late Kuo Pao Kun; the Kuo Pao Kun Festival (2003, 2012); the M1 Chinese Theatre Festival (2011, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017); and Drama Box’s New Play Season (2009, 2011).
Being invited to perform in overseas drama festivals or exhibitions has become the norm for local Chinese theatre groups. Drama Box took part in the Singapore Season in China in 2007; Toy Factory Productions has staged multiple works in China (2003, 2010, 2013, 2014, 2017); Nine Years Theatre participated in the Macao Arts Festival (2013); I-Lien Drama Society was invited to the Masan International Theatre Festival in South Korea (2002, 2003, 2005, 2008, 2010, 2014, 2016) as well as the Shandong International Small Theatre Drama Festival in China (2009, 2014); and Arts Theatre of Singapore was involved in three editions (2014, 2017, 2023) of the China-ASEAN Theatre Week.
Over the past century, Chinese language theatre in Singapore has transformed from a “foreign import” into a Singaporean art form with its own unique charm.
Ini Indexs
Four types of Chinese opera varieties originating from China’s Fujian province were once prevalent in Singapore: Gaojia, Liyuan, Pu Xian, and gezai opera.
What Singaporeans presently refer to as Hokkien opera actually refers to gezai and xiang opera. While originating from the same place, these two opera forms feature distinct performance styles and formats.
Sin Sai Hong Hokkien Opera Troupe played a significant role in preserving and promoting Gaojia opera in the 1950s before the troupe ventured into gezai opera. In 1982, Siong Leng Musical Association invited Chen Jia Bao (birth year unknown) from China to conduct Liyuan opera acting classes in Singapore. In 1987, the artists staged the traditional Gaojia opera play, Wang Xiu.1
Siong Leng Musical Association hired numerous directors, musical composers, and actors to stage large-scale Liyuan opera performances. These works included Shakyamuni Buddha (1993), The Legend of Mulian Rescuing His Own Mother (1995), The Legend of the Tragic Crane (1996), Master Hongyi (1999), as well as various xiaoxi or shorter plays, and zhezi xi or opera excerpts. In 2000, Siong Leng Musical Association halted its Liyuan opera performances to focus on promoting nanyin and related activities.
Currently, Pu Xian opera performances in Singapore are limited to the Mulian drama series staged at Kiew Lee Tong Temple, a Hokkien Taoist temple. These performances are held once every decade. In the 1970s, Kiew Lee Tong Temple purchased suitable costumes and props from Taiwan, and organised opera shows in Singapore staged by amateur performers. Subsequently, the temple invited Pu Xian opera troupes from China to perform in Singapore when their schedules aligned.
Since 1990, Lorong Koo Chye Sheng Hong Temple has celebrated the Birthday of Ann Kway Sheng Hong Deity, which falls on the 28th day of the fifth lunar month, by hosting 100 days of opera performances. The occasion has become the most prominent platform for local gezai opera troupes to showcase their performances as part of the Chinese temples’ festive traditions. Opera troupes which regularly perform at the festival include Xiao Kee Lin Hokkien Opera Troupe, Ming Yang Opera Troupe, Xin Yan Ling Hokkien Opera Troupe, Ong Si Mui Opera Troupe, Sim Hong Choo Opera Troupe, Nga Sheng Hokkien Opera Troupe, Shuang Ming Feng Opera Troupe, and Hokkien Four-Seasons Spring Troupe.2
As for the Xiang opera, among the amateur artists in the local opera scene, Sim Siew Tin Xiang Opera Troupe is renowned for the wealth of experience of its performers and creative team. The troupe was formerly known as the Bukit Panjang Hokkien Kong Huay Xiang Opera Troupe. In 1986, it successfully staged the opera excerpt Lingering Farewell as its inaugural performance. Under the leadership of both the Bukit Panjang Hokkien Konghuay and troupe leader Sim Siew Tin, the troupe further staged a series of opera excerpts such as Balcony Romance (1987), Lingering Farewell (1987), and The Legend of the Grocery Store (1987). In 1992, the troupe premiered its first full-length opera, The Hatred of Zither and Sword. Subsequently, the troupe performed various Xiang opera favourites from China, such as Birthday Celebrations by Five Daughters (1994), The Emperor and the Village Girl (1996), and Justice Bao (1996), in accordance with the performance styles of China’s Xiang opera. In 2006, the opera troupe was invited to stage Courtesan Yu Tang Chun in Taipei. The play was scripted by Teo Sung Lung and composed by Fu Zi Liang.
In 2013, Sim Siew Tin left Bukit Panjang Hokkien Konghuay and founded Sim Siew Tin Xiang Opera Troupe. The operas staged by the new troupe include Seeking a Husband in the Mountain Fortress (2013), scripted and composed by Zhuang Hai Ning; Our Story, Our Opera (2014), scripted by Teo Sung Lung and composed by Zhuang Hai Ning; Hokkien musical drama Journey to Singapore (2016) scripted by Yap Kim Chye and directed by Sim Siew Tin; and Butterflies Awakening (2016) scripted by Teo Sung Lung, composed by Ng Lim, and directed by Sim Siew Tin.
In 1997, Singapore’s Chinese Opera Institute hired Li Xiu Hua from Xiamen and Hong Xiu Yu from Taipei as senior teachers to conduct classes on Xiang opera and gezai opera. In 1998, Li Xiu Hua directed the Xiang play, Ramayana, adapted by Chua Soo Pong and based on the ancient Indian epic of the same name. Li also directed other performances such as the traditional play Deep Emotions with the Little Shop (1999), and the Teochew-and-Xiang opera hybrid Fire on the Riverside Chamber (1999). The Singapore Chinese Opera Institute appointed Taipei opera performer Hong Xiu Yu as a senior teacher in 2004. Since then, she has collaborated with Chua Soo Pong to direct and produce many of the Institute’s cross-cultural gezai opera performances. Their repertoire of cross-cultural adaptations includes Ramayana (2004); Mahabharata (2006), adapted from the ancient Indian epic tale of the same name; The Doctor in Spite of Himself (2007), adapted from French playwright Molière’s comedy of the same name; and The Chalk Circle (2008), based on the Yuan dynasty playwright Li Qianfu’s work of the same name. Additionally, Chua Soo Pong and Hong Xiu Yu collaborated on Hokkien opera production, with Chua overseeing scriptwriting and Hong handling musical arrangements. These productions drew inspiration from classical Chinese literature, and included Nie Xiaoqian (2004), Painted Skin (2005), and Handan Dream (2008).
Since its establishment in 2013, Jade Opera Group (in collaboration with Chua Soo Peng) has staged numerous productions, including The General and the Witches (2013), adapted from English playwright William Shakespeare’s Macbeth; The Missing Bride (2016), based on the Indonesian legend, Tales of Prince Panji; and The Government Inspector (2022), based on Russian novelist Nikolai Gogol’s famous work of the same name. The numerous productions of Jade Opera Group have received invitations to prestigious international theatre festivals. The staging of these performances in countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, China, Iran, Belgium, the United States of America, and Taiwan has contributed to the promotion of gezai opera globally. For over 20 years, Hong Xiu Yu has tirelessly staged traditional opera performances, with some productions being staged more than 10 times. These beloved classics include Fan Li Hua and Xue Ding Shan, Tang Bohu Selects Qiuxiang, Emperor Zhengde Visits South China, and The Legend of White Snake. Hong has also nurtured a generation of young gezai opera performers, including Teng Su Yuin, Huang Yu Ying, One Choo Eng, Goh Poh Huay and Tan Zhen Xuan.3