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Lee Dai Soh (1913–1989), also known as Lee Dai Sor or Li Dasha, was born in Xibeimen (Northwest Gate) in what is now Singapore’s Telok Blangah area. His given name was Lee Fook Hai, and his ancestral hometown was Dongguan in Guangdong. Lee was well-known in the world of radio broadcasting. From the 1950s to the early 1980s, he told stories in Cantonese on Rediffusion’s Silver Channel, and was known as the master of story-telling.
The two channels of the cable-transmitted radio station started off broadcasting in English and Mandarin, their programmes changed as a result of listeners’ preferences. In the 1970s, the Gold Channel of Rediffusion broadcasted in Mandarin and Chinese dialects, and the Silver Channel did the same, but interspersed such programmes with some English ones. Dialect programmes were very popular at the time because most Chinese families spoke dialects. Besides Lee, other popular storytellers were Ng Chia Keng, who told stories in Teochew, and Ong Toh, who told stories in Hokkien.
When Lee was young, he worked at the bookstore in Yeung Ching School in exchange for free education and accommodation. When he was in his Secondary Two, student unrest broke out and the school’s board of directors decided to close down the secondary school division. Lee Dai Soh transferred to the Anglo-Chinese School, where he studied for barely over a year before ending his formal education. He then took up various jobs, including working as a draftsman, security guard, and rubber factory foreman.1
In his free time, he often hung out at coffee shops and chatted with friends, sharing stories he had read. His hobby eventually turned into a profession. In 1938, he entered British Malaya Broadcasting Corporation (renamed Radio Malaya in 1946) and became the first storyteller in Malayan’s broadcasting history.2
In his more than 40-year career as a storyteller, Lee only stopped broadcasting during the Japanese Occupation. His younger brother was killed by the Japanese army, causing Lee to harbour hatred towards them and refuse to serve the Japanese in any way. In 1944, the Japanese military government ordered everyone to work in support of the Imperial Army. Anyone who defied the order would be captured and forced into hard labour. At that time, Tai Hwa Opera House (now The Majestic) screened Japanese movies — Lee provided live explanations of their plots in Cantonese to avoid forced labour.
After the war, Lee returned to the broadcasting studio and continued his storytelling career. With the launch of Rediffusion Singapore in 1949, he began storytelling in both public and private radio stations, and gradually reached the pinnacle of his career. His style was characterised by plain language, vivid imagery, and a voice that changed with the ups and downs of the story’s plot, creating a rich experience for his listeners.
The prelude to Lee’s storytelling programme Tam Tin Shuit Tei (From Heaven to Earth) was the Cantonese music piece, Han Tian Lei (Thunder in Dry Weather). The music was adapted with lyrics sung by Hong Kong star Ho Tai-So (1897–1957), beginning with, “Who says I’m foolish? I’ll let you eat a chicken drumstick.” Lee Dai Soh always ended each episode with, “The story ends here today. Please tune in next time.”
Lee, also known as Li Dasha, once explained the origin of his stage name. When he first joined the Chinese department of British Malaya Broadcasting Corporation, his director Sze Chu Sian (1910–1990) drew inspiration from Ho Tai-So (He Dasha), one of the “Four Heavenly Kings” of the Cantonese music world.
Through his stories, Lee introduced his listeners to classic works such as Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Journey to the West, Justice Bao, Seven Heroes and Five Righteousness, and martial arts novels and folk legends like The Return of the Condor Heroes, The Romance of Hong Xiuquan, The Eight Immortals in the East China Sea, Chang’e Flies to the Moon, The Romantic Talent Lun Wenxu, The Battle of Magic at Maoshan, and The Battle of the Snake Demon Mountain, among other works. On air, he became a teacher for the people, providing entertainment while also conveying values through those stories.3
It’s not widely known that Lee performed plays and Cantonese opera onstage. He also told stories for an Australian radio station for more than 20 years, with each episode lasting 15 minutes, covering mainly martial arts novels and folk stories.4
On 30 December 1982, Rediffusion stopped its dialect programmes, and Lee retired from the local broadcasting world. However, he was still active in the Cantonese community. For example, he continued to serve as a master of ceremonies, telling stories at wedding banquets, recording Cantonese storytelling tapes, and writing the column “From Heaven to Earth” for the Lianhe Zaobao newspaper.
Lee served as a council member of the Tung On Wui Kun for more than 30 years. He believed serving the community was his duty, especially during his twilight years when the clan association faced many challenges. Many elderly members were returning to their hometowns, younger people were losing interest in the association’s Cantonese opera activities, and falling membership was a concern. Lee also represented the association at activities organised by Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng, where he volunteered to take care of the funeral affairs of the Cantonese community.
Decades after Lee’s death, his storytelling continues to live on in the memories of Singapore’s Cantonese and wider Chinese community.
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Qiongju, otherwise known as Qiongzhou opera, or simply Hainanese opera, is a traditional form of theatre found locally in places such as Haikou and Ding’an in the Chinese province of Hainan. It is one of the dramatic arts of the Minnan language family, and is widely popular in the Hainan province and Southeast Asian countries.
The establishment of clan associations in Fujian, Gaozhou, Chaozhou, and five counties communities in Haikou between the fifth and 58th year (1740–1793) of Emperor Qianlong’s reign during the Qing dynasty contributed greatly to the boom of Hainanese opera, as these associations took turns to bring in opera troupes from their various hometowns to perform in Haikou. Hainanese opera flourished and underwent significant changes between the reign of emperors Xianfeng (1851–1861) and Guangxu (1875–1908), a time in which Chinese opera artists from other parts of the country found their way to Hainan and stayed there to teach and perform. This external influence had a profound effect on the performance and vocal styles of Hainanese opera and resulted in its gradual transformation from qupai ti to banqiang ti.1
Unlike other Chinese opera troupes, Hainanese opera troupes in Singapore were mainly made up of amateur groups in the early years. Records show that Hainanese opera had been performed on the island even before the 1920s.2 The dawn of the 1920s marked the first golden era of Hainanese opera in Singapore, and was brought about mainly by the civil war in China then. This resulted in numerous famous Hainanese opera artists fleeing to Southeast Asia and contributing to the blossoming of Hainanese opera in the region. Major groups from this period included: Qiong Han Nian Opera Troupe, Guo Min Yue Opera Troupe, Heng Nam Drama Association (now Tien Heng Kang Heng Nam Drama Association), Se Xiu Nian Opera Troupe, and Shi Si Gong Si Opera Troupe.3
In the late 1930s, the Nan Xing Hainanese Opera Troupe staged fundraising performances in support of the anti-Japanese resistance with a repertoire of anti-war titles such as Huanwo heshan (Return My Country), Luzhou liang furen (Two Women in Luzhou), and Yalü jiang shang (On the Yalu River) — all released around 1938. The troupe was later ordered by the British colonial government to disband, and Xin Qiong Ya Opera Troupe was formed in its place.4
During the Japanese Occupation in the 1940s, Hainanese opera artists were assigned to perform at the New World and Great World amusement parks, where they put up traditional plays between 1942 and 1945 such as Zhang Wenxiu (The Top Scholar Zhang Wenxiu), Qin Xianglian, Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai (The Butterfly Lovers) and Gou yao jinchao (The Dog Bites the Golden Hairpin).5 Going into the 1950s, the Hainanese opera scene became more active again due to the efforts of artists such as Lin Xi Chou, Goh Toak Eng, Song Hanchan, Sai Qionghua, and Huang Qisheng.
In the late 1950s, Ming Tian Hainanese Opera Troupe, Qiong Lian You Opera Troupe, and Heng Nam Drama Association were set up in succession. Soon after, in the 1960s, Qiong Lian Hua Brothers Opera Troupe, Hymn Rhyme Seng Opera Club, Yi Guang Opera Troupe, and Lu Nam Ke Huan followed suit, marking the second golden era of local Hainanese opera since the 1920s.6
By the 1970s, even though the seven aforementioned opera groups were still in operation, only Heng Nam Drama Association and Hymn Rhyme Seng Opera Club remained active. From the 1980s to the early 2000s, the development of Hainanese opera in Singapore was mainly sustained by Hymn Rhyme Seng Opera Club, Tien Heng Heng Nam Dramatic Association (formerly known as Heng Nam Dramatic Association), and Singapore Hainan Society (formerly known as Kheng Chew Junior Association).
Today, the remaining local Hainanese opera groups that can be found in 2023 include: Singapore Hainan Society, Hymn Rhyme Seng Opera Club, Qiong Ju Society of Singapore, and Chinese Opera Ensemble, with the former being the most active. Relentless in its efforts to promote Hainanese opera since its establishment in 1956, the society has helped improve the performance standards of its members by setting up training classes, hiring well-known local Hainanese opera artists and teachers, and inviting renowned masters from Hainan to share their artistry. Some of the performances they have staged include: Hongye tishi (Poem on Autumn Leaves, 1977), Qin xianglian zhi cemei ji (The Case of Chen Shimei, 1981), Liangzhu (Butterfly Lovers, 2002), Yuanye (The Savage Land, 2006), and Zhaoshi gu’er (Zhao’s Orphan, 2011).
Similarly, Qiong Ju Society of Singapore, founded in 2010, is one of the more active groups in the scene. Formed by a group of Hainanese passionate about their culture, especially Hainanese opera, the society has been actively organising performances and engaging masters of the art from home and abroad. Performances they have staged include: Zhenzhu ji (Story of the Pearls, 2010), Wang Guixiang gaozhuang (The Petition of Wang Gui Xiang, 2010), Sanbai huatang (Triple Wedding Bows, 2010), Hua yan (Flower of the Banquet, 2017), and Yi, Honglou meng (Memory of the Dream of the Red Chamber, 2019).
The emergence of the celebrated actress Goh Toak Eng in the 1950s marked a turning point in the history of Hainanese opera in Singapore where female roles were no longer played solely by male actors. Goh was born in Singapore in 1932 and left for Wenchang in Hainan with her parents at the age of four. In 1951, she returned to Singapore and made her stage debut the following year to raise funds for the construction of Pui Tak School. Later, she joined various opera troupes such as Xin Nanfeng Hainanese Opera Troupe, Xin Guo Feng Hainanese Opera Troupe, and Hymn Rhyme Seng Opera Club, before announcing her retirement in 1993.7
Another notable figure was the president of Hymn Rhyme Seng Opera Club Foo Qing Yun (born Foo Soon Lee), who was born in Malaysia in 1939 and moved to Singapore at the age of six. Ever since he was invited to contribute to the establishment of Yi Guang Opera Troupe at the end of 1963, he has been active on stage for half a century, bearing witness to the highs and lows of Hainanese opera in post-war Singapore. He is the only veteran who is still currently active on the Hainanese opera stage.
On the international front, Hainanese opera groups from Singapore have also actively organised exchange performances with their foreign counterparts. Hainanese opera troupes from China naturally have had a great influence on the development of Hainanese opera in Singapore since the Guangdong Hainanese Opera Troupe first performed here in 1982. Acclaimed Hainanese opera masters and directors from Hainan have been invited to the island as advisors, while Hymn Rhyme Sing Opera Club, Tien Heng Kang Heng Nam Dramatic Association, and Qiong Ju Society of Singapore have staged well-received performances in countries such as China (Hainan, Beijing, and Nanjing), Malaysia, and even the United States (Southern California).
It is worth noting that the unprecedented Covid-19 pandemic did not crush the survival and development of Hainanese opera in Singapore. On 26 November 2023, the Traditional Arts Centre (TAC) invited Hainan Qiong Opera Theater from China to collaborate with Qiong Ju Society of Singapore and Chinese Opera Ensemble to stage Baishe zhuan (Legend of the White Snake) at the Drama Centre Theatre. The large-scale, newly adapted mythological Hainanese opera was part of the Chinese Opera Extravaganza 2023 organised by TAC. It was directed by TAC founder Cai Bi Xia, and featured a script consolidated by Chen Baoliang and music composed by Zhang Fachang. This production signified the resumption of cultural exchanges between Singapore and China in post-pandemic times and marked a new milestone in the branding of local Hainanese opera.
Despite a shortage of younger talent in the community, the future of Hainanese opera in Singapore still holds promise if current efforts persist and if Singapore continues to bring in talents from abroad.
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When Peking opera first arrived in Singapore at the end of the 19th century, it was still referred to as “Fuzhou opera”. This could have been a reference to the Fuzhou opera troupe (circa 1910) that was invited to perform at the Heng Seng Peng theatre in Singapore not long after it was completed.
According to the book Zhongguo Jingju shi (History of Chinese Peking Opera), “Originally, Fuzhou’s Peking opera was not much different from the original Peking opera. However, at the time, the people of Singapore did not know what Peking opera was, so they all called it ‘Fuzhou opera’. It was not until shortly after the war that it was renamed ‘Peking opera’.”1
As for when Peking opera first appeared in Singapore, Wang Fang suggests in Jingju zai Xinjiapo (Peking Opera in Singapore) that it happened between 27 December 1893 and 6 January 1894, when the Fuxiangsheng Peking Opera Troupe from Fuzhou in Fujian, China, performed in Singapore.2
Another early performance of Peking opera in Singapore was documented in 1910. According to Yi Yan, “Chen Xin Guan, the troupe leader of Xinxianghe Fuzhou Opera Troupe at the Heng Seng Peng theatre, hired more than 80 Peking opera performers from Xiamen to complement the original cast. They sometimes performed together on stage, and sometimes presented Peking opera during the day and Fuzhou opera at night.”3
In 1922, in an initiative by Heng Seng Peng’s new stage troupe leader, artistes Lei Wenguang (1867–1926), Liu Changsong (1899–1987), Ming Yuezhu and others were invited from southern China to lead a troupe to perform in Singapore.4Others in this early group of actors, who played different roles, included: Xiaoguifen, who portrayed elderly male characters; Shisandan (born Hou Junshan, 1854–1935), who played young female characters; Zhou Yueying, portraying female warriors; Mei Fengchun and Wang Qilin, actresses portraying young male characters; Guo Fengxian, an actress playing a martial role, Fu Zhengkui, who played male characters with painted faces, and actress Shisihong.5
In 1932, amusement park Great World built a Peking opera stage. A group of Bangzi opera performers, including Jin Haitang, subsequently joined Great World, making the switch to Peking opera.6 Most Peking opera performances took place in formal theatres rather than in outdoor ones, but Great World was an exception to this trend.
On 5 October 1941, the Chang Chou General Association Beijing Opera Group hosted a charity performance at the Thian Hock Keng Temple to support the British Army during the Pacific War, featuring Peking opera plays Xiao Yao Jin, Yellow Crane Tower, and Lianhua Nunnery. The locally renowned artist Hor Chim Or (1920–2021) played Zhang Fei in Yellow Crane Tower.7
From 30 November to 1 December 1946, the Chang Chow General Association’s (formerly known as the Chang Chow Ten Clan Association) Pingju troupe held a public performance at the Thian Hock Keng Temple as well. The repertoire included full-length plays such as The Heroes’ Gathering, Zhulian Village, Empty City Strategy, and Dumu Pass, among others.8
In 1947, the renowned martial artist Liu Changsong, along with his son Liu Songhe and other martial arts performers, joined the Xiaoguanghan Drama Society. They performed martial arts plays such as Money Leopard, White Waterside, Jindaozhen, A Grudge Settled with One Arrow, and others at Great World, causing a sensation.9
Early Peking opera groups in Singapore included the Huanan Pingju Society, the Chang Chow General Association Pingju Department, the Nanlu Club Pingju Group, the Xiamen Association Pingju Group, the Huabei Association Pingju Group, the Chang Chow Ten Clan Association Pingju Group, the Xiaoguanghan Drama Society, and other small-scale Peking opera organisations,10 all of which were once very active. The aforementioned Hor Chim Or, who also played the role of Zhang Fei in his early years in The Marsh of Reed Flowers, often performed during charity events organised by the Chang Chow Association.
Established in 1940, Ping Sheh is the oldest Peking opera troupe in Singapore’s history. The term pingju originated from the word ping in Beiping City during the Republic of China era. After the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, it became commonly referred to as jingju (Beijing opera) instead when Beiping was renamed Beijing. Ping Sheh, having been born during the era when Beiping was still in existence, was thus named accordingly.11
According to Wang Fang’s research, Ping Sheh was officially registered in 1941,12although it had already organised two large-scale charity performances at Tien Yien Moh Toi, also known as the Palace Theatre (now known as The Majestic), in 1937. Its president Lim Keng Lian personally took the stage, leading by example in contributing to charity efforts.13Han Dynasty Su Wu remains one of Ping Sheh’s most representative plays, starring Yim Chong Seng as Su Wu and Xu Hong as Hu Ayun.
Ping Sheh’s founders included Lim Keng Lian (1893–1968), Toh Keng Tuan (1913–1966), Li Zelun (1900s–1979), Lim Bo Seng (1909–1944), and others. After the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941, President Lim retreated to Chongqing, China. The members of the society dispersed, and Ping Sheh was temporarily dissolved.14Since its revival in 1945, however, Ping Sheh has been very active, staging numerous large-scale productions such as Shepherd Su Wu.
In early 2023, the new leadership team that took over Ping Sheh completely revitalised the organisation’s hardware and software. All its performers, from old to young, were well-prepared to take the stage in the four main roles of Peking opera: sheng (male), dan (female), jing (painted face), and chou (clown). They continued on the path of promoting and passing on traditional Chinese culture.
In 1992, Tian Yun Amateur Peking Opera Troupe was established. Its founders included Hor Chim Or, Tay Kim Woo, Chua Kok Lim (1928–2013), Mao Wei, Lim Teck Pin, Loo Teck Ming, Lim Mei Lian, Kor Khoon, Han Yin Juan, and others. Hor served as its first president for 13 years,15before Loo, a graduate of Dunman High School, took over in 2005, holding the position to this day.
In 1994, Tian Yun Amateur Peking Opera Troupe began teaching Peking opera at Dunman High School, injecting new blood into the society at the same time. As a result, it became a relatively young troupe. It has staged large-scale productions since then, including Premier Liu Luo Guo: Ode to the Plum Blossom, Judge Xu’s Promotion, and Wang Xi Feng.
The most notable play by Tian Yun Amateur Peking Opera Troupe is Premier Liu Luo Guo: Ode to the Plum Blossom. Originally created by the Beijing Peking Opera Theatre, it has been staged three times by Tian Yun Amateur Peking Opera Troupe in 2009, 2010, and 2019. The response was positive, and audiences felt that light-hearted comedies such as this were suitable for all ages and should be preserved as part of the standard repertoire.
A group of highly-educated middle-aged and young actors with rich stage experience has emerged as future successors of Tian Yun Amateur Peking Opera Troupe. With the team’s rejuvenation and the diversification of repertoire, the troupe is moving towards attracting younger audiences and people from different ethnic groups.
Another local Peking opera troupe established in 1983 was the Leling Beijing Opera Troupe, founded by Goh Siew Geok and Huang Houjian.16Prior to that, Goh had entered the Huanan Pingju Society at the age of 12 and later joined Ping Sheh. The troupe was renamed TAS Theatre in 1993.17
With the merger of Huanan Pingju Society and Ping Sheh, veteran artists in the local Peking opera scene included Su Ziqian, Liu Fushan (circa 1902–1974), Liu Changsong, Zhao Meiling (circa 1914–2016), Wang Yunxia, Phan Wait Hong (1914–2016), Wu Chunfu, Lin Laixi, Cao Yanqin, and Qian Jiechu (huqin player).
Most cultural enthusiasts in Singapore would have been no stranger to Hor Chim Or, who not only worked as a journalist but was also a national basketball player. His passion for Peking opera from a young age led him to study martial arts and stagecraft under figures such as Zhang Helou (unknown–1960s) and Liu Changsong. At the age of 18, Hor made his debut performance in Peking opera with the play Nanyang Pass. In his later years, he, along with like-minded individuals such as Tay Kim Woo, departed from Ping Sheh and co-founded the Tian Yun Amateur Peking Opera Troupe.
Another important figure is Phan Wait Hong, who received the Singapore Cultural Medallion in 1992. Born Zhao Lanzhen, she lived in Shanghai before the age of 14. As a child, she disliked studying and reading but had a passion for singing Peking opera. When the opportunity presented itself, she travelled by boat to Singapore with the Caifeng She to perform and became an instant hit after singing at the Nam Tin Restaurant.18
In its early days, Nam Tin Restaurant (now Yue Hwa Building) had a top-floor teahouse where the wealthy could enjoy Peking opera. The audience only had to pay for tea to enjoy the entire evening’s entertainment. Phan made her debut there after joining Ping Sheh. Later, when Tian Yun Amateur Peking Opera Troupe was established, she was active in both organisations.
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Ong Toh (1920–1999), whose real name was Wang Du Gong, was born in Xiamen, China and studied at the local Anglo-Chinese College there.
In 1945, he married Li Xiu Hua (birth and death years unknown), and the couple later followed Li’s younger brother, Li Qiang, to Singapore. Soon after that, Ong took up a teaching position in Terengganu, Malaysia.
After leaving his position in Terengganu and returning to Singapore, he became a teacher at The Chinese Kindergarten & Primary School and later served as its principal. His wife found a job managing records at the privately-owned Rediffusion, Singapore’s first cable radio service. Ong later joined Rediffusion as well to perform Hokkien plays. Impressed by his Xiamen accent and sonorous voice, the head of Rediffusion’s Chinese media department Li Xiaoyin (1918–2015) hired him as a storyteller in 1953. He was then holding two jobs — as principal of a kindergarten and storyteller at Rediffusion. His impeccable Hokkien and the pleasing cadence of his delivery made him a hit with listeners. Ong Toh soon became a household name.
Ong was known for narrating Hokkien folklore as well as martial arts and chapter novels. He was also the first local storyteller to feature martial arts novels by famed writer Louis Cha, better known by the pen name Jin Yong. Ong also acted in detective plays and radio plays for children. Experts praised his knack for captivating audiences with the climatic ending of his stories, a skill which they said surpassed that of his predecessors in Hokkien storytelling. He was especially adept at selecting the right stories and making them more exciting and intense.
Following the launch of the Speak Mandarin Campaign in 1979, programmes in dialects gradually ceased broadcasting after 1982. On 31 December 1982, Rediffusion officially stopped airing programmes in dialects, spelling the end of Ong’s storytelling career. That same year, he retired from The Chinese Kindergarten & Primary School. Switching gears, he became a car and property agent. Though no longer involved in storytelling, he still kept some of the story materials he had used in his broadcasts, such as Bi xue jian (Sword of the Hero’s Blood); Bingshuang jian hua lu (Chronicle of the Frosted Sword); Baoqi yudi (Sacred Banner and Jade Flute) and Qi long ling (Decree of the Seven Dragons).1
In 1992, Ong and his wife emigrated to the Philippines, where his sister lived. He died from illness in 1999, and his ashes were brought back to Singapore. A memorial service held at the Jubilee Church in Outram Road was attended by many of his former colleagues from Rediffusion. Among other tributes, they praised him as a rare talent, a first-rate storyteller, and an honourable and loyal friend.
At the height of its popularity in the 1980s, Rediffusion, which charged a monthly subscription of $5, had close to 100,000 listeners. Besides Ong, Lee Dai Soh and Ng Chia Kheng, who narrated tales in Cantonese and Teochew respectively, were also master storytellers in Singapore’s broadcasting history.
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Ng Chia Keng, whose birth name was Ng Yong Khern (1912–2003), was a master storyteller in the Teochew dialect. He was born in Shantou, China and hailed from Xianxi Village in Anbu, Chaoan County. As the youngest child in his family, he had four brothers and two sisters. He provided Chinese-language tutoring to elementary students in his hometown before moving to Singapore at the age of 18.
The unfavourable circumstances in Singapore back then caused him to work as a clerk for a local produce company in Pekan, Pahang in Malaya, before returning to Singapore after World War II. He died on 26 May 2003 from liver disease.
In early Singapore, there were three prominent storytelling figures in the local Chinese community. The longest in tenure was Lee Dai Soh (1913–1989), who spoke Cantonese and entered the world of radio in 1938. The second was Ng Chia Keng, a Teochew speaker who made his radio debut in 1947 and later became a member of Rediffusion in 1950. The third was Ong Toh (1920–1999), a Hokkien who began storytelling in 1953.
Ng was best known for narrating martial arts novels written by Hong Kong authors Liang Yusheng (1924–2009) and Jin Yong (1924–2018). Initially, he delivered short stories for half an hour every Sunday, gradually increasing the frequency and telling longer stories for three half-hour sessions per week. From then on, his broadcasting time slots kept increasing.
One of Ng’s most well-known programmes in his 35-year radio career was Ti liang ti re (Chatting about Hot and Cold; ti meaning “to chat” in Teochew), which mostly focused on folktales. He initially freelanced for radio, earning $15 for each 15-minute session, a substantial amount at the time. The show was so well-received that it prompted the newly opened private station Rediffusion, who was eager to recruit talent, to offer him a slot every Sunday afternoon to “chat” for half an hour.
As his popularity soared during the Ti liang ti re period, Teochew listeners either tuned in at home, if they had subscribed to Rediffusion, or gathered at coffee shops at Clarke Quay and Teochew Street. The roads in these areas were deserted, reflecting the extent of his popularity.
Recognising his widespread appeal, Hong Kong Rediffusion invited him to Hong Kong. At this point, he had changed the programme’s name to Ti Chia keng ue (Chatting with Chia Keng), using his stage name as part of his storytelling brand. There was also a playful connotation to his stage name. In Teochew, mispronouncing his surname Ng sounds like “wu” (meaning “the absence of”), so Wu Chia Keng would literally translate to “without proper conduct”.1
Ng also hosted a programme called Ting chi bai dan (Listening and Eating White Porridge), which roughly translates to “talking nonsense”. This programme was specially dedicated to telling traditional folk literature stories. After they were refined and organised by Ng, the stories became more captivating and gained widespread popularity. Ting chi bai dan told story after story in its run, all classic tales that listeners never got tired of.
In 1960, he founded the Tong Iong Teochew Amateur Broadcasting Team, with television artist Chen Shucheng becoming one of his apprentices. However, when all dialect programmes on radio stations were discontinued by 31 December 1982 during the height of the Speak Mandarin Campaign, 70-year-old Ng bid farewell to storytelling as a profession, even declining invitations by organisations to continue storytelling. The exception was in 1990, when he readily accepted an invitation by the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations to perform during its “Chinese Cultural Month”, singing Teochew nursery rhymes with a group of children at Raffles Place that night.
Ng’s children’s songs were very well-known. In 1989, the Oral History Centre compiled a collection of his handwritten children’s songs, which were authentic Chaoshan nursery rhymes. The melodious songs were both entertaining and educational, portraying the local culture and traditions of Chaoshan. In 1992, independent arts centre The Substation hosted a recitation event titled “Memories of Children’s Songs”, where Ng once again caused a sensation by reciting Teochew nursery rhymes. In 1995, the Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan published his selected annotated work Compilation of Teochew Nursery Rhymes with Pronunciation.
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Singapore artiste Chng Soot Fong (also known as Chong Set Png, Chong Sit Fong or Zhuang Xuefang) is a well-known getai performer and Amoy-dialect film actress.1
In 1947, at the age of 15, Chng became a prominent getai star in Singapore and Malaya. She had often visited the backstage of amusement park New World’s Ann Le Ting getai stage to listen to songs. Vivacious, eager to learn and in love with the stage, she caught the attention of Ma Rong (birth and death years unknown), a senior getai performer who taught her how to sing. Chng’s subsequent debut on the Ann Le Ting stage marked the start of her performing career.
At the time, most getai performers simply stood and sang. Chng, however, took a different approach, taking her cue from getai pioneers — including Bai Yan (1920–2019), who had moved from Shanghai to Singapore and developed a unique style that combined singing with dance movements. She also participated in stage drama performances, which contributed to her widespread fame. Chng later founded the Bai Xue Song and Dance Troupe and the Chng Soot Fong Opera Troupe. In the 1940s and 1950s, when long-distance travel was not common, she toured extensively with her troupes, performing in locations across Singapore and Malaya (as far as Kedah) and even the Philippines.
Having made a name for herself in the getai scene, Chng was invited to appear in Amoy-dialect films in their heyday in the 1950s. In 1957, she had a cameo in the Mandarin film Shenmi meiren (The Lady of Mystery), showcasing her umbrella dance and silk dance skills. That same year, a Filipino-Chinese businessman named Shi Weixiong (birth and death years unknown) collaborated with Huaxia Film Distribution and Singapore’s Eng Wah Film Company and invited Chng to Hong Kong to star in an Amoy-dialect film titled Tianya genü (The Wandering Songstress).
After finalising the terms with Eng Wah’s founder Goh Eng Wah (1923–2015), Chng flew to Hong Kong to embark on a film career. The Wandering Songstress premiered in Singapore in 1958 and was an immediate box office sensation. From that point onwards, Chng shifted her focus to cinema, and would go on to star in about 30 Amoy-dialect movies. Due to her fame and accomplishments, she was dubbed the “Queen of Amoy-dialect Cinema”.
After establishing her reputation in the industry, Chng founded her own Amoy-dialect film production company, Chng Soot Fong Film Company. The Amoy-dialect films Chng acted in and produced contributed to the prominence of Amoy-dialect cinema in the 1950s, helping to elevate it to a status on par with Mandarin and Cantonese-language films. Together, the Mandarin, Cantonese and Amoy-dialect film industries formed what scholars described as the “three-legged vessel” (sanjiao ding), or three pillars of Chinese-language cinema.
Despite her transition to the film industry, Chng did not completely abandon her singing career. It was popular at the time in the Chinese-language film industry to hold live stage performances alongside film screenings, where artistes would tour and perform in sync with the showing of the film. Chng, who had ventured into the film industry, frequently performed on stage in Taiwan and various Southeast Asian locations to accompany film screenings. Wherever she went, she often drew large crowds of fans, both film and music enthusiasts, who filled the venues to capacity.
Chng’s last film is generally thought to be the Taiwanese film Longshansi zhi lian (Romance at Lung Shan Temple, 1962), where she played a Chinese mainlander (waisheng ren) and spoke in Mandarin rather than Southern Fujian (Minnan) dialect which Amoy-dialect is part of. This reflected a wider trend where Amoy-dialect films were on the wane, being replaced by Mandarin and Cantonese films. She retired from the stage and film industry in 1971. As she gradually bade farewell to the scene, she returned to Singapore and largely limited her stage appearances to charity performances.
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Lat Pau was the earliest Chinese-language daily newspaper in Singapore, and had the longest publication history among pre-war Chinese-language newspapers. It was founded in 1881 and continued publication until 1932. Though it was temporarily suspended in the latter half of 1916, it spanned a total of 52 years.
The newspaper was founded by See Ewe Lay (1851–1906), a fifth-generation Straits Chinese. The name Lat Pau is derived from the Malay word selat (transliterated as “seh laht”), which means “strait” or “channel” and was a colloquial term for Singapore.
Lat Pau went through three distinct stages of development:
Inauguration and foundation (1881–1907): From its founding on 10 December 1881,1 to the eve of the publication of Lat Pau Supplement on 15 January 1907. A total of 25 years and one-and-a-half months.
During this period, Lat Pau published news and commentaries rather than lifestyle content. Its layout was not too different from that of Shanghai’s Shen Bao, and had no resemblance to local English newspapers. The typesetting and editorial staff of Lat Pau in its early days came from China, which meant there was a significant influence from China’s press. The newspaper’s style was modelled after that of newspapers in China.
Lat Pau was a daily newspaper, with a break in publication on Sundays and holidays. It published around 300 issues annually. The number of non-publishing days was higher than that of English newspapers that existed at the same time. Lat Pau did not print on occasions such as Chinese festivals, Qing dynasty court celebrations, British celebrations, Western holidays, or special incidents affecting the newspaper. Starting from 5 September 1899, Lat Pau switched from being a morning daily to an evening daily that published at 4pm.
Growth and innovation (1907–1921): From 16 January 1907, when Lat Pau Supplement was published, until the death of its chief editor Yeh Chih Yun (1859–1921) on 9 September 1921. A total of 14 years and eight months.
In 1907, Lat Pau added the Lat Pau Supplement, which included leisure articles, humorous stories, ghost stories, fables, classical Chinese writings, poems, popular music and folk songs. From then on, it took on the triple function of news reporting, commentary, and lifestyle content, marking a clear distinction from the earlier Lat Pau.
The Lat Pau Supplement was founded by the newspaper’s then-editor and chief writer Yeh Chih Yun. Yeh, whose pseudonym was Xing E Sheng, served as the principal writer for Lat Pau for 41 years, making him the longest-serving staff member in the newspaper’s history. In addition to his role in journalism, Yeh was proficient in medicine and had expertise in Chinese seal carving, poems, calligraphy and painting. He ran a medical store named Eng Eun Tong on Upper Nankin Street and established the first Chinese medical newspaper in Singapore, Yixue bao [Chinese Medical Journal] in 1901. He was also one of the founders of Yeung Ching School (now Yangzheng Primary School) and the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce (now Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry).
In 1916, Lat Pau suspended publication for half a year. When the newspaper resumed in 1917, it was taken over by See Tiong Wah (1886–1940). It transitioned from individual ownership to a corporate business model, and was published under the company name The Lat Pau Press Limited.
Development and decline (1921–1932): From after the death of Yeh Chih Yun on 10 September 1921 until the cessation of Lat Pau on 31 March 1932. A total of 10 years and six-and-a-half months.
After the death of Yeh Chih Yun in 1921, the position of chief editor was temporarily vacant. It was later assumed by Chow Kue Nam (circa 1892–1959), who concurrently served as the chief editor of the monthly magazine of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce (now Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry). After taking office, Chow Kue Nam implemented a series of reforms for Lat Pau, establishing industry development and education as the new mission of the newspaper, and replacing Lat Pau Supplement with sections titled Industrial Column and Literary and Artistic Column.2 In 1932, due to frequent changes in its editorial personnel, organisational laxity, dwindling content, and economic challenges, Lat Pau entered a period of decline and eventually ceased publication.
Lat Pau’s editorial stance was significantly influenced by Yeh Chih Yun, who believed that a newspaper was a public tool and should not allow any trace of personal opinion. The selection and presentation of news was to be done with impartiality.
The historian Feng Tzu-yu (1882–1958), who had participated in the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, analysed early Chinese newspapers in Singapore and considered Lat Pau to be part of the conservative faction. This alignment was likely related to Yeh Chih Yun’s background as a typical old school intellectual.
In its editorial stance, Lat Pau was traditionally conservative. In the initial stages of its establishment, Yeh continuously conveyed traditional moral values to the overseas Chinese community. He criticised social vices at that time and strongly condemned illegal activities such as gambling, fights, and criminal gangs, calling for strict government action against them. For example, in 1898, when Lim Boon Keng (1869–1957) led the Straits Chinese to promote the Braid Cutting Movement, Lat Pau immediately opposed it, considering cutting the braid a highly inappropriate and rebellious act. This highlighted the newspaper’s conservative stance.
Before 1894, Lat Pau focused more on local affairs. However, after the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, with the political turmoil in China, the editorial emphasis of Lat Pau shifted, and it began to pay attention to developments in China. There was a noticeable increase in discussions related to China, and the previous didactic articles gradually decreased. Lat Pau consistently took a pro-government stance on China’s political issues. For instance, its opposition to the Braid Cutting Movement was aimed to uphold the rule of the Qing dynasty. During the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, Lat Pau remained silent at first and only began to report on happenings related to the revolution until about a week after the event occurred.
With the establishment of the Republic of China being a fait accompli, Lat Pau had to change its pro-Qing stance and leaned towards the emerging Nationalist government. On 8 November 1911, Lat Pau was the first to change the words “Qing dynasty, 3rd year of Xuantong’s Reign” on the right side of its masthead to “In the Year of Xinhai”, signalling a shift in its editorial position.
On local issues, Lat Pau took the position of safeguarding the interests of the Chinese community. It supported all measures favourable to the local Chinese community and opposed and refuted any measures deemed unfavourable to it. For instance, the newspaper opposed the high taxation imposed by the government under the opium contract system, considering it the main cause of the increase in banditry. It also opposed the increase in the licence fees for rickshaws, believing it would burden the rickshaw carriers.
Overall, in terms of its editorial stance, Lat Pau consistently prioritised the interests of the local Chinese community in its coverage of local affairs. This was a significant factor that allowed the newspaper to survive for an extended period within Singapore’s Chinese community. On the other hand, the newspaper’s conservative stance and pro-authority position regarding political changes in China indicate that early Singapore Chinese identification with China was not limited to either the royalist or revolutionary factions. Instead, it was subject to the influence of political developments and underwent changes accordingly.
From the founding, development, and editorial stance of Lat Pau, it is evident that the newspaper became the longest-running Chinese-language daily in pre-war Singapore’s newspaper history due to a combination of factors, and not by chance.
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The Theatre Practice is an important bilingual theatre group in Singapore. Its predecessor, the Singapore Performing Arts School, was founded by the playwright Kuo Pao Kun (1939–2002) and dancer Goh Lay Kuan, both recipients of the Singapore Cultural Medallion Award.
In 1965, with the experience they had gained from their training in Australia, Kuo and Goh returned to Singapore to establish the Singapore Performing Arts School. From the outset, the school emphasised the importance of both training and practice. As part of training, it offered systematic professional drama and humanities courses, while it continuously experimented with new playwriting and theatrical forms in its practice.
The Performing Arts School’s first theatrical performance was The Test in 1966, which commentators believe marked a significant change in stage design and lighting in theatre. Departing from the traditional method of changing props for each scene, the play introduced the use of lighting to depict space and highlight characterisation, providing audiences with a novel theatre experience. Subsequent performances such as Life Breaks, Dark Souls, and Brecht’s Caucasian Chalk Circle continued to explore forms distinct from traditional realism by combining realistic and impressionistic stage sets and lighting designs.
In 1967, the Performing Arts School started its first drama training course. It ran for over 20 sessions until its discontinuation in 1984, and nurtured numerous talents in the field of theatre. In 1968, the Performing Arts School presented its collective work Hey! Wake Up, which incorporated the theatrical techniques of German playwright Bertolt Brecht (1898–1956) into its portrayal of local social issues and characters. This production once again showcased the school’s ongoing experimentation with theatrical forms.
Later, in 1972, students from the drama class established the independent Southern Arts Society (renamed Southern Arts Research Association in 1976), which became one of the most active theatre groups in the first half of the 1970s.
From the latter half of the 1960s, many individual theatre groups began exhibiting a strong leftist orientation, shining light on the concept of class struggle and articulating their ideals for society. The Performing Arts School was no exception, and became one of the groups most frequently subjected to performance bans during this period. The school’s collective creations, Struggle in 1969 and Sparks of Youth in 1971, were both denied performance permits and could not be staged.
In order to avoid the situation in which multi-act plays could not be performed once they were banned, the Performing Arts School adopted an integrated performance approach since 1969. For instance, they introduced “Arts Night”, which featured a combination of short plays, poetry, dance, singing, and other programmes. In addition to public performances, the school also organised various internal “learning and observation nights” to maintain its vitality.
Early Singapore theatre productions featured scripts not only from Chinese works of the May Fourth period but also from European realist classics (particularly those of Russian origin). Theatre groups typically used translations from China for the latter.
Kuo took a different approach. Instead of using Chinese translations wholesale, he either further adapted them or personally translated the English originals. Three plays from the 1940s and 1950s, The Test, Dark Souls, and Brecht’s Caucasian Chalk Circle, were all translated by Kuo and imbued with a strong modern consciousness and the spirit of class struggle.
In 1973, the Singapore Performing Arts School was renamed Practice Theatre School and then Practice Performing Arts School in 1984. In 1986, Practice Theatre Ensemble was established. In 1988, the Practice Performing Arts Centre. was officially registered, relocating to Stamford Arts Centre and operating in parallel with two core entities, Practice Performing Arts School and Practice Theatre Ensemble.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Singapore’s society and economy entered a period of stable development, spurring initiatives to actively kickstart cultural and artistic planning. Coupled with the gradual easing of global Cold War tensions, this provided favourable conditions for cross-national and cross-regional cultural and artistic exchanges. During this period, while serving as a key intermediary and promoter in the local Chinese theatre scene, Kuo also played a crucial role in the realm of theatrical arts and the broader cultural and intellectual spheres. Scholars have even dubbed this 20-year period the “Kuo Pao Kun Era”.
In 1976, Kuo was arrested under Internal Security Act for alleged communist activities and detained for four years and seven months. During this period, Practice Performing Arts School was led by Goh. In 1982, following his release, Kuo participated in the direction and production of his first original work Little White Boat, which premiered at the arts festival sponsored by the Ministry of Culture. Little White Boat was jointly performed by 14 Chinese theatre groups, leading to the resurgence of local Chinese-language theatre, which had largely been dormant in the late 1970s.
In 1984, Kuo began directing bilingual plays with his work The Coffin is Too Big for the Hole. In 1988, he led a group of actors with diverse linguistic backgrounds to create the multilingual theatre production Mama Looking for Her Cat, which featured languages familiar to Singaporeans such as English, Malay, Mandarin, Tamil, Hokkien, Cantonese, and Teochew. Kuo was widely regarded as a representative figure in cross-cultural communication and exchange. While Mama Looking for Her Cat may not have been the first instance of multiple languages being showcased simultaneously in Singapore theatre, it was the first collaborative effort among theatre practitioners from different linguistic backgrounds to create a uniquely Singaporean style of drama.
Besides the Performing Arts School and Practice Theatre Ensemble, other artistic groups and institutions founded by Kuo include The Substation (1990) and the Theatre Training & Research Programme (2000, co-founded with Thirunalan Sasitharan, now known as Intercultural Theatre Institute). He received numerous awards as well, such as the Singapore Cultural Medallion (1989), the ASEAN Cultural Award (1993), the Knight of the Order of Arts and Letters of France (1996), and the Singapore Excellence Award (2002). Goh also received the Singapore Cultural Medallion Award in 1995.
In 1996, with the aim of promoting traditional puppet theatre to the younger generation, Practice Performing Arts Centre established The Finger Players, which became an independent theatre company in 1999.
More significantly, in 1997, Practice Theatre Ensemble changed its name to The Theatre Practice. Following Kuo Pao Kun’s death in 2002, Wu Xi and Kuo Jian Hong assumed the roles of Co-Artistic Directors. In 2006, Kuo Jian Hong became the sole Artistic Director. Upholding the spirit of “playfulness” while still rooting its productions in original texts, The Theatre Practice continues to explore more experimental artistic forms today.
In 2005, The Theatre Practice presented the musical adaptation of Kuo Pao Kun’s original script Lao Jiu, marking a significant milestone in the production of Chinese-language musicals by The Theatre Practice. It continues to deepen the connections between local theatre and the world and actively nurture artistic talents in Singapore through various programmes such as the Chinese Theatre Festival (2011–2017), Singapore Theatre Festival (2018–2021), Practice Laboratory (2013), Artist Farm (2017–2020), and the Practice Artists Scheme (2018–present).
In 2016, The Theatre Practice relocated to a double-storey building consisting of three connected units in Waterloo Street, with a multi-purpose black box theatre attached to its clubhouse. The following year, it established a café and art space called Practice Tuckshop on the ground floor of its clubhouse to strengthen its connection with the local community. This was also in line with The Theatre Practice’s focus on sustainable development, which directly influenced its production model. Combining dining experiences with storytelling exchanges, Recess Time (2017–present) is one of the most well-known works by Practice Tuckshop.
To emphasise the importance of arts education, The Theatre Practice continues to offer children’s courses through the Practice Education Project and develop youth theatre productions suitable for different age groups, including the Nursery Rhymes Project (2017–present). These initiatives aim to bring the arts into homes, schools, and communities, making it an integral part of everyday life for Singaporeans.
In 2020, the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic significantly disrupted live performances. As a result, The Theatre Practice set up an online platform that combined video screenings, live streaming performances, and interactive activities to provide audiences with a unique digital theatre experience. It also collaborated with digital technology companies to jointly develop a live streaming system called XIMI.
Today, Theatre Practice remains one of the most prominent groups in the local theatre scene.
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The term “Peranakan” (from “anak”, the Malay word for “child”) generally refers to the descendants of immigrants who married indigenous women in the Malay Archipelago.
While “Peranakan” is often used interchangeably with “Straits Chinese” in Singapore, not all Straits-born Chinese were Peranakan. Not all Peranakans had Chinese ancestors, either. Besides the Chinese Peranakans, there were also smaller communities such as the Bugis Peranakans, Arab Peranakans, Java Peranakans, Chitty Melaka, and Jawi Peranakans.
This article focuses on the Peranakan Chinese. For brevity’s sake, all subsequent mentions of “Peranakan” will refer specifically to this group.
Most of the Peranakans in Singapore are descended from the Peranakans of Malacca, who typically spoke Baba Malay (creolised Malay) and English (for those who were English-educated). This was unlike the Peranakans in Penang, who conversed in Malayanised Hokkien and English. Male and female members of the community are known as Babas and Nonyas (or Nyonyas) respectively, although “Baba” can also refer to the Peranakan community as a whole.
Their Chinese ancestors were mostly immigrant men from Fujian and Guangdong who settled in Malacca in the 15th to 17th centuries, where they married local Malay women. Their descendants then married fellow Peranakans, or the new Chinese immigrants who arrived in Southeast Asia in the 19th century.1
In 1848, Singapore had about 1,000 “Malacca Chinese” — according to one estimate by Seah Eu Chin (1805–1883), a prominent merchant who became part of the Peranakan community through marriage. In comparison, there were 9,000 other Hokkiens, 19,000 Teochews, 6,000 Cantonese, 4,000 Hakkas and 700 Hainanese on the island. The 1,000 Malacca Chinese comprised 300 “merchants and shopkeepers and their people”, 100 “cash keepers and others employed by Europeans”, 300 “householders employed variously”, 200 “petty traders”, and 100 “agriculturalists”, Seah noted.2
Besides being traders and shopkeepers, many Peranakans were involved in shipping, banking, and real estate. One of Singapore’s most famous Peranakans was the merchant and philanthropist Tan Tock Seng (1798–1850), who had arrived from Malacca as a vegetable seller in 1819, the year the British set up a trading post in Singapore.
The “Golden Age” of the Peranakans spanned from the 1830s to 1930s, when they enjoyed the most economic and political power. Mostly English-educated, they enjoyed a symbiotic relationship with the British colonial administrators and traders in Singapore, playing the role of middlemen between them and the rest of the population. They identified as British subjects. In 1900, a group of prominent Peranakan Chinese set up the pro-British Straits Chinese British Association (SCBA). By aligning themselves with the British, the Peranakans distinguished themselves from the sinkeh, or new immigrants from China.
At the time, many of Singapore’s wealthy people were Peranakan. Besides Tan Tock Seng, there were prominent figures such as Tan Kim Seng (1805–1864), See Hoot Kee (1793–1847), Gan Eng Seng (1844–1899), Song Ong Siang (1871–1941) and Cheang Hong Lim (1825–1893). Many Peranakans gave generously to the community, donating funds for public welfare and the construction of institutions such as Thian Hock Keng Temple (1839), Tan Tock Seng Hospital (1844) and the Singapore Chinese Girls’ School (1899). Even as they aligned themselves with the British, some of them retained ties with their ancestral homeland. Tan Beng Swee (1828–1884), for example, contributed to famine relief in China. See Ewe Lay started Lat Pau (1881–1932), one of Singapore’s earliest Chinese daily newspapers in Singapore, despite having been English-educated.
The Peranakans in Singapore lived mainly in Neil Road and Tanjong Pagar, later extending their reach to Katong, Joo Chiat, and Emerald Hill. They inhabited terraced shophouses fronted by a continuous sheltered walkway known as a “five-foot way”. Enter through the pintu pagar (a half-height, ornamented “fence door”) and front door, and you might find yourself in a front hall with an ancestral altar. Venturing further down the long and narrow interior would lead you to the living room, air-well and kitchen. Teak and rosewood furniture, statuettes of fu lu shou deities, and porcelain — blue and white “kitchen porcelain” from China or Japan; or pastel porcelain (nonyaware) imported from Jingdezhen in Jiangxi, China, often sporting phoenix motifs — were a common sight within the Peranakan home. Popular parlour games ranged from cherki, involving cards; to congkak, played with 98 cowrie shells, and a long wooden board with two large cavities or rumah (houses) at either end, and another 14 smaller cavities in two parallel rows in between.
Peranakan families were not as strictly patriarchal as many Chinese households, although they subscribed to the traditional idea of nan zhu wai, nü zhu nei (“men manage outside, women manage inside”). The house was the domain of the women, who was appraised for her cooking, embroidery, and beadwork skills. However, it was not uncommon for new immigrant men to marry into his bride’s Peranakan household, a practice known as chin choay. And after the death of the patriarch, it was his wife, rather than the son, who became the new head of the family. In Singapore, Nonyas were among the first females to receive formal education at institutions such as the Singapore Chinese Girls’ School.
Many early Peranakans dressed in traditional Chinese clothing, although Babas started wearing Western-style coats and trousers starting in the late 19th century. Nonyas, meanwhile, wore a distinctive garment known as the nonya kebaya — which outstripped the baju panjang (“long dress”) in popularity from the 1920s onwards. The nonya kebaya top, which was more tight-fitting and less opaque than the Malay kebaya, often featured lace, embroidered motifs such as peonies, butterflies and roses. The nonya kebaya, which had no buttons, was fastened by a set of (usually three) interlinked brooches known as a kerosang and worn with a batik sarong skirt and beaded slippers.
Peranakan food is known for its long preparation time. Besides ingredients such as garlic, ginger and soy sauce which feature heavily in Chinese cuisine, it often incorporates coconut milk, spices (rempah), seeds of the buah keluak fruit, shrimp paste (belacan), candlenut (buah keras), lemongrass (serai), and kaffir lime leaves. Out of the Nonya kitchen might come delicacies such as babi pongteh (braised pork in salted bean paste), ayam buah keluak (chicken in spicy tamarind gravy with buah keluak nuts), and an assortment of kueh (cakes) whipped together from coconut, palm sugar (gula melaka) and other ingredients. In the early days, many Nonyas also liked to chew on betel leaves. The early Peranakans in Singapore ate rice using their hands rather than chopsticks. However, chopsticks were used at ancestral offering tables, and by newlyweds during a ceremony known as chim pang.
Peranakan weddings were known for their elaborate rituals, which traditionally lasted for 12 days (a practice that fell out of popularity after World War II). Many of the customs were similar to those in China — such as the choice of an auspicious hour, a gift-giving ceremony, and a tea ceremony. However, there would also be a Malay master-of-ceremony known as a pak chindek, and a performance of dondang sayang (“love ballad”), where the bride and groom sang pantun (Malay poetic verses) to each other while a small band of musicians played the violin, rebana drums and gong in the background. A joget dance, featuring dancing girls, might then follow.
When a Peranakan person died, the funeral would involve Chinese traditions — with a wake, night vigils, offerings, burning paper money for the deceased, as well as the wearing of sack cloth by their children, spouses of the children, and paternal grandchildren.
Some commentators have described Peranakan culture as “dying”, suggesting that it is becoming the stuff of museums. Most of the traditions, for instance, are no longer a part of daily life for contemporary Peranakans. The Baba Malay language is critically endangered in Singapore, where most of the younger Chinese population only speak English and Mandarin. Furthermore, religious practices of early Peranakans (who practised ancestral worship, and prayed to deities such as Guanyin, Mazu, and Tua Pek Kong), have also been on the decline since the early 20th century, giving way to Catholicism, Christianity and atheism.
There are several organisations in Singapore dedicated to promoting Peranakan culture. Among them are Peranakan Museum, which opened in 2008 in the former Tao Nan School building; The Peranakan Association (formerly the SCBA, established in 1900); and the Gunong Sayang Association (established in 1910), which promotes performing arts such as dondang sayang and wayang peranakan. The NUS Baba House in Neil Road, and private museum The Intan in Joo Chiat, also offer a glimpse into the Peranakans’ rich material culture. In recent decades, there has been some resurgence of public interest in Peranakan culture, thanks in part to the popular television drama The Little Nyonya (2008), as well as efforts spotlighting Peranakan culture as a distinctive part of Singapore’s multicultural fabric.
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Established in 1881, Lat Pau has long been regarded as the earliest Chinese newspaper in Singapore, Malaya, and even the Nanyang region. However, based on some earlier records, there were already two Chinese newspapers in Singapore before Lat Pau — the Tifang Jih Pao in 1845, and Jit Sheng in 1858. American author Cecil K. Byrd (1913–1997) notes in Early Printings in the Straits Settlements, 1806–1858 that both the Tifang Jih Pao and Jit Sheng were printed and published by The Mission Press. Unlike Lat Pau, which was started and published by the Chinese, both newspapers were weeklies operated by Europeans.
There is limited historical material on the Tifang Jih Pao, so its existence currently remains unconfirmed. However, two pieces of evidence support the existence of Jit Sheng. The first is an advertisement about Jit Sheng published in the Straits Government Gazette on 14 May 1858. The advertisement, signed off by Thompson William Smith, states that Jit Sheng was published every Monday by The Mission Press, with a deadline set for Saturday evenings.
The second is a letter from Thomas Dunman (1814–1887), Commissioner of Police in Singapore at that time, to the Straits Settlements Governor’s Secretary. Dated 31 August 1858, the original text reads, “The Chinese (in Singapore) are well-acquainted with what is taking place in other parts of the world. They learn their news from mixing with Europeans, and they now have a paper printed in Chinese, in which important news is reprinted…”
While Dunman did not explicitly state that the newspaper in question was Jit Sheng, the dates in the two pieces of evidence corroborate its existence and are almost certainly a reference to Jit Sheng. They strongly confirm that the newspaper was indeed published in Singapore in 1858, or possibly even earlier, predating Lat Pau by at least 23 years.
The Mission Press, the printing press that produced Jit Sheng, was located at No. 46 Raffles Place and operated by British owner Reverend Benjamin Peach Keasberry (1811–1875). Keasberry was born in Hyderabad, India, and grew up in Surabaya, Indonesia. From 1830 to 1834, he went to Batavia (now Jakarta) to study Bible translation, preaching methods, and lithography techniques under London Missionary Society missionary Walter Henry Medhurst (1796–1857). In 1835, he entered the New Brunswick Theological Seminary in New Jersey for training.
After completing his theological education in 1839, he initially planned to go to China for missionary work, only to be denied entry upon arriving in Macau. He then proceeded southward and, while passing through Singapore, was employed as a missionary by the London Missionary Society there.
In 1843, Keasberry founded what is known today as the Prinsep Street Presbyterian Church. After the London Missionary Society had concluded its missionary activities in Singapore in 1849, he severed ties with the organisation but continued with his own missionary work. To secure funding for this, he established a printing and bookbinding facility in the former church of the Missionary Society, printing various language books and periodicals for non-religious individuals and organisations.
It was under these circumstances that The Mission Press took on Smith’s business and printed Jit Sheng. Keasberry died on 6 September 1875 at the age of 64, and was buried at Bukit Timah Cemetery.
An analysis of existing historical materials allows us to establish the following understanding of Jit Sheng:
As for the content, nature, and price of Jit Sheng, more research is needed for a definitive understanding.
It has traditionally been believed that English newspapers (beginning with The Singapore Chronicle in early 1824) were the earliest in the development of ethnic newspapers in Singapore, followed by Tamil newspapers (starting with Singai-Warta-Mahni in early 1876), then Malay-language newspapers (Jawi Peranakan at the end of 1876), and finally, Chinese-language newspapers (Lat Pau in late 1881). The discovery of Jit Sheng challenges this chronology, revealing that Chinese-language newspapers followed closely after English newspapers and predated Tamil and Malay-language newspapers by eight years.
In the context of the global Chinese press, the daily newspaper Chinese and Foreign Gazette, published by the Hong Kong English newspaper Daily Press in 1858, is widely considered the earliest modern Chinese newspaper. As for the first modern Chinese newspaper published in China and funded by the Chinese themselves, the title is often given to the Zhaowen New Daily, first issued in 1873.
The discovery of historical materials related to the 1858 Jit Sheng suggests that the newspaper, like Chinese and Foreign Gazette in Hong Kong, is among the earliest modern Chinese newspapers in the world. It is an important contribution to the history of newspaper development and the advancement of the field.1