Ini Indexs
The traditional festivals of Singapore’s Chinese population can generally be divided into two categories. The first consists of festivals celebrated collectively by the Chinese community, including the most important eight festivals of the lunar year.
The Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations published the Chinese Customs and Festivals in Singapore in 1989, which specifically mentions the Eight Festivals of the Lunar Year, including the Chinese New Year, Qing Ming Festival, Dragon Boat Festival (Duan Wu Festival), Qixi Festival, Zhong Yuan Festival (Hungry Ghost Festival), Mid-Autumn Festival, Chong Yang Festival (Double Ninth Festival), and Winter Solstice. It notes that “these eight festivals have been selected because of their significance and because they are widely practised by all the dialect groups of the Singapore Chinese community”.1
These traditional Chinese festivals are related to the agricultural cycle of Chinese agrarian society and family rituals. Chinese overseas particularly emphasise festivals related to life and death, as well as expectations for blessings in life and concerns regarding death during the process of settlement and establishment of citizenship.
The Eight Festivals of the Lunar Year are significant both as days for family reunion and as festivals for filial piety towards ancestors. They are also occasions for communities or groups to seek blessings from the gods, ancestors, and forefathers, ensuring prosperity and peace for the groups and the community. Festivals widely valued by the community, such as Chinese New Year, which symbolises the beginning of a new time cycle and the renewal of life, and the Zhong Yuan Festival, which involves redeeming spirits, praying for peace, and warding off misfortune to welcome blessings, typically entail large-scale community celebrations.
The second category of festivals related to traditional Chinese customs are those celebrating the birthdays of deities. The Almanac alone records 147 deity birthdays.2 The term dan (birthdays) refers to celebrating the birthday or enlightenment day of deities, hence it is considered a yang, or bright, festive occasion.
During deity birthdays, individuals and families express gratitude to deities for their blessings and protection, bringing their divine power back to their homes through food, incense, and representations of the deities. By making offerings and showing gratitude, individuals establish a covenant with the deities, hoping for their protection and blessings in the new time cycle. Individuals or families are selective when determining which deity’s birthday to celebrate. On one hand, it is related to the efficacy of the deity, and on the other hand, it is associated with the community they belong to, and the local social environment they live in.
Temples and community organisations may engage ritual experts to conduct ceremonies for purifying the community and celebrating the birthdays of deities. Festivals with large-scale community celebration events are closely related to the dialect groups and industries within the community. For example, in Singapore, the Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, and Hainanese communities all celebrate separately the birth of Mazu, also known as Tianhou. The Lam Ann community celebrates the birth of Guangze zunwang, workers in the construction industry celebrate the birth of Master Lu Ban, and opera troupes celebrate the birth of Emperor Huaguang. Celebrations based on efficacy cross dialect groups, while those based on patronage serve to strengthen community identity.
In 1879, J.D. Vaughan (1825–1891), who had previously served as the Police Magistrate of Singapore in the 1850s, published a book about the customs and habits of the Chinese in the British Straits Settlements.3 As Police Magistrate, Vaughan documented various festivals celebrated by the Chinese in Singapore that he encountered through his work in crowd control, networking, and daily observations. In his book, he categorised the festivals celebrated by the Chinese in Singapore into three types. The first consists of the festivals commonly celebrated by the Chinese community, as mentioned earlier. The second type comprises deity birthdays that are not celebrated by all Chinese, but specific to particular communities or temples. In the book, Vaughan presents a third category of festival celebrations – the annual deity procession from 26th day of the 10th lunar month to 11st lunar month by the Teochew community and the triennial deity procession carried out by the Hokkien community.4
The deity procession, originally a common practice in traditional local societies in China, ceased to be held in Singapore in the early 20th century due to the influence of anti-superstition movements. Despite this, in Singapore, certain community festivals organised in the name of traditional Chinese culture are still observed, hosting celebrations with distinct Singapore characteristics. These festivals include the Nine Emperor Gods Festival, the pilgrimage to Kusu Island, and deity processions that connect different Chinese dialect groups, such as the Fire Dragon Dance at the Mun San Fook Tuck Chee Temple.5There are also ceremonies and rituals executed by Teochew charitable organisations, the Kiew Lee Tong Fengjia Pudu organised by the Henghua communities, and the Grand Universal Salvation Ritual at the Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng, which are large-scale celebrations centred around specific dialect groups.6
Chinese festivals are periodic social events within the community. Their function lies in strengthening the bonds among community members, defining community boundaries, and establishing member identities. From regular festivals, we can predict the time and space of their occurrence, as well as the characteristics of the individuals and groups involved in organising and participating in them.
From festivals, we can also understand the ideology of community groups and their worldview within specific times and spaces.7 The celebration or non-celebration of festivals, at the individual and family level, is related to concepts of “efficacy” and “reciprocity”. At the community level, it is associated with identity recognition and regional boundaries. The former is selective, while the latter is a social responsibility, making it normative and non-random.
In summary, traditional Chinese festivals in Singapore can be divided into two categories and understood at three levels: (1) celebrations commonly observed by the Chinese community, (2) those specific to particular groups, especially dialect groups, and (3) locally-created festivities. The three levels of traditional Chinese festivals in Singapore inherit the broader Chinese tradition and the smaller traditions of regional communities, while also localising Chinese cultural traditions.
Ini Indexs
Before World War II, most Chinese-medium schools in Southeast Asia used textbooks published by The Commercial Press and Chung Hwa Book Company, which were founded in Shanghai. These textbooks were originally created for students in China, with the goal of imparting new knowledge in various subjects and nurturing the character of Chinese nationals. They did not take into account factors such as the climate, local produce, lifestyle habits, customs, and social systems of the places where overseas Chinese lived. It was not until the early 1930s that textbooks specifically designed for students in Southeast Asia were introduced. These were known as “textbooks suitable for use by overseas Chinese in Nanyang” (henceforth “suitable for Nanyang” textbooks).
“Suitable for Nanyang” textbooks were largely adapted from selected texts of the New Curriculum Standard Textbook series published by Chung Hwa Book Company, and the Reviving Educational Textbook series published by The Commercial Press. Most of the content retained the selected texts and illustrations from the textbooks for China, with a small portion of the content or illustrations replaced with depictions of the local culture and customs of Nanyang. This adaptation aimed to align with the educational goals of the overseas Chinese schools (qiaoxiao), which emphasised “cultivating enriched living in Nanyang and improving relations between various ethnic groups”.
Meanwhile, some local publishers such as Chung Hing Publishing Company, Nanyang Book Company, World Book Company, and Shanghai Book Company began participating in the publication of textbooks for the Chinese-medium schools, sharing the market for Southeast Asian Chinese school textbooks with publishers from China. These local publishers expanded their presence by establishing branches in major Southeast Asian cities such as Jakarta, Surabaya, Kuala Lumpur, Penang, Malacca, and Yangon. They distributed or published Chinese school textbooks that were suitable for their respective local context.
The series of textbooks published in Singapore, known as Singapore imprint of “Nanyang textbooks” included those for Chinese language, general knowledge, and civic education. They were characterised by a Nanyang flavour, incorporating the familiar environment and language context of Malayan students into their content.
Based on research on the collections in the six major libraries in Singapore and Malaysia, it is estimated that there were more than 200 different types of pre-war China-imprint textbooks suitable for overseas Chinese in Nanyang as well as Nanyang-imprint (especially the Singapore imprint) textbooks. These textbooks covered a wide range of subjects, including Chinese language, English language, general knowledge, civic education, nature, natural science, letter writing, applied writing, model writing, composition, arithmetic, abacus, history, geography, and other subjects. The teaching materials included textbooks, teaching methods, teacher preparation books, teaching guides, manuals, assessment books, and materials for exam preparation.
These educational resources were available for various levels of education from kindergarten to high school, ensuring comprehensive coverage of educational needs. Most of these textbooks bore labels such as “Nanyang”, “Nanyang Overseas Chinese” (Nanyang huaqiao), and “Suitable for use by overseas Chinese in Nanyang” (Nanyang qiaoxiao shiyong) on their covers.
The pre-war and early post-war Nanyang textbooks published by both China and local publishers primarily showcased the local Southeast Asian flavour in the content and illustrations of certain texts in the Chinese language (Mandarin), general knowledge, civic education, history, and geography textbooks. For instance, in three lesson texts of Reviving Chinese Language Textbook for lower primary, Book 21 — meant for Nanyang overseas Chinese primary school students and edited by Shen Baiying (1897–1992) and others from The Commercial Press — content such as “harvesting barley” and “willow branches”, was replaced with examples familiar to Nanyang students, such as coconut trees, traveller’s palms, and beans.
Coconut trees, bananas, and traveller’s palms became representative illustrations of Nanyang culture in textbooks from The Commercial Press and the Chung Hwa series. Some of these “Suitable for Nanyang” textbooks retained the content from the original China editions, while incorporating coconut trees as background illustrations.
China-written and Singapore-published Nanyang textbooks (Singapore imprint of Nanyang textbooks) typically exhibit a stronger local character and show greater consideration for local topics compared to the China-imprint textbooks. For example, in one lesson text of the Nanyang Book Company’s Nanyang Civic Education Textbook for lower primary, Book 1,2 there is an illustration featuring both the Chinese and British flags hanging side by side. The accompanying text instructs students to respect the flags.
The upper-primary lesson texts like “The People of Malaya” and “Harmony Among Ethnic Groups” offer more detailed and relevant content to the Nanyang context compared to Chung Hwa’s lesson text on “Malay Residences”.
Similarly, in the Nanyang General Knowledge Textbook,3 the lesson texts discuss local fruits such as bananas, coconuts, and durians, along with references to the indigenous people and animals in the tropical rainforests. These lesson texts also frequently incorporate local vocabulary such as pasar (market) and other terms familiar in Nanyang. For example, in the Shanghai Book Company’s Modern Chinese Language Textbook, Book 3 published in Singapore,4 Lesson 20, “Nanyang is Truly a Wonderful Place”, the lesson text displays the local character of Nanyang with the encouragement “to make Nanyang one’s homeland”.
The text reads, “Singing, singing, listen to my song, Nanyang is truly a wonderful place. The weather is hot all year round. There is no need for extra layers of clothes even in winter. No snow, no frost, trees grow quickly, with plenty of delicious fruits. Chinese in Nanyang, let us make Nanyang our homeland. Singing, singing, listen to my song, Nanyang is truly a wonderful place.”
Whether the Nanyang textbooks were written and published by China publishers or written in China and published locally, the emphasis was generally on a China-centric perspective, as Chinese-medium schools in Nanyang continued to be seen as “overseas Chinese schools”. The inclusion of “Nanyang characteristics” in these textbooks was merely an adjustment to align with the conditions of the places where the overseas Chinese community resided, making the content more relatable to the students and facilitating learning.
It was only in the post-1950s era, when Singapore and Malaya progressed towards autonomy and nationhood, that there was a shift in the focus of textbooks. To foster Chinese students’ loyalty to Malaya as their homeland, textbooks began to emphasise local awareness and incorporate a Malayan aspect into their content.
Ini Indexs
Chinese New Year is the most important traditional festival for Chinese around the world, and Chinese Singaporeans are no exception. In Singapore, the first two days of the lunar new year are public holidays. During these holidays, community associations (local community groups, clan associations etc.), families, and friends gather to celebrate the occasion and exchange well wishes. Many Chinese households take the opportunity to host friends from different ethnic backgrounds, underscoring the harmonious coexistence of diverse groups in Singapore. The lion dance — a ritualised performance known as cai qing, where the lion deftly snatches a sprig of greens — also stands out as one of the most beloved traditions locally and abroad.
Six days before Chinese New Year, on the 24th day of the 12th lunar month, traditional Chinese households send off the Kitchen God in a ritual known as song zaojun or xiezao. This ritual is based on the belief that the Kitchen God returns to the heaven on this day. Families prepare these offerings in the hope that the Kitchen God will give a favourable account of them, ensuring blessings from the Jade Emperor. After the ritual, the family’s matriarch starts preparations for the upcoming celebrations. As is common in Chinese New Year customs, the names of these dishes often sound similar to auspicious phrases and blessings. In Cantonese households, typical festive foods include jiandui or fried dough balls coated in sesame seeds. (As the popular Cantonese saying goes, “with the rolling of the sesame balls, the house is filled with silver and gold”.) Another popular food is youjiao, a deep-fried dough ingot with a sweet filling (“the edible ingots bless the household with wealth”). Likewise, xiabing or prawn crackers signify happiness (“eat the jumbo prawn and be merry all day”).
On the eve of Chinese New Year, Chinese Singaporeans of all dialect groups celebrate the occasion by gathering for the reunion dinner and staying up late in the belief that this will bless the elders in the family with longevity. Each dialect group boasts its own unique delicacies. Among these are the Hakka caiban (vegetable dumplings), Hainanese yiba (sweet glutinous rice cakes), and Teochew steamed rabbit fish (commonly known as “prosperity fish”). Hotpot dinners have seen a surge in popularity these days, as they symbolically see families weilu or gather around the dining table. Some families opt to pre-order or get their festive meals catered, while others prefer to dine at restaurants. Following the dinner, it is customary to shop for festive treats at the bazaars or visit temples to pray for good fortune in the year ahead.
On the first day of Chinese New Year, people dress in auspicious colour and visit family members’ homes — where they exchange festive greetings and pairs of mandarin oranges. In Singapore, it is customary for married people to give out red packets (or angpow in Hokkien) to their unmarried younger relatives. These contain an amount of money in an even number, which is considered lucky. With the proliferation of mobile and wireless technology, sending electronic greetings via messaging platforms has become a common practice too.
During the Chinese New Year period, for the traditionalists, certain taboos must be respected. Sweeping the floor on the first day is frowned upon, to prevent sweeping away the good luck of the new year. Should fragile items break, auspicious sayings are recited — “the dish has landed and bloomed; luck and abundance shall follow too” — to ward off bad luck. Also, the names of certain foods with negative connotations are dropped. The Cantonese community, in particular, swaps names or terms that sound unlucky with those that are highly positive. Words that convey the idea of, or sound similar to, “damage”, “dry”, and “defeat” are substituted with their auspicious-sounding counterparts — words that suggest being “smart”, “nourished”, and “victorious”. For instance, rather than using the Mandarin name for luffa, which might allude to “defeat”, the Cantonese name it the “victory gourd”. Similarly, the inauspicious-sounding terms for pig’s tongue and liver are replaced with terms implying “profit” and “nourishment” respectively. As blood is considered inauspicious during this festive season, pig’s blood is referred to as “pig red”.
The second day, also known as kainian, marks the commencement of the new year. A pair of mandarin oranges and a red packet filled with money are placed on the ground. They are then swept towards the door and back before being picked up. This ritual symbolises the act of cleansing the home of any lingering bad luck, while ensuring that wealth and prosperity remain. The second day is also traditionally set aside for married women to visit their parents’ homes and partake in a meal lovingly prepared by them.
In the past, many families celebrated kainian by preparing a meal of braised carp with ginger and spring onions. This custom is rooted in the carp’s symbolic ties to prosperity — as reflected in the popular saying, “the carp nods its head, and deposits gold and silver in your hands”. The connection draws on the similar pronunciations of the Chinese terms for “profit” and “carp”. The popular Chinese New Year greeting, nian nian you yu, which translates to “have a bountiful year”, also plays on the similar pronunciations of “fish” and “surplus” in Chinese. Some Chinese Singaporeans will pay respect to their ancestors before releasing live carp into water as a tribute to them. If the carp circles back before swimming away, this is read as an auspicious sign. It suggests that the person’s business will see a surge in returning customers, promising a year filled with prosperity.
The third day is known as Red Mouth Day (chikouri). It is believed that arguments are more likely to occur on this day. Many people therefore avoid scheduling new year visits and gatherings during this time. By the fourth day, the majority of Chinese businesses resume operations. Generous bosses might distribute red packets to their staff and treat them to a meal to commence the new year. Tradition holds that on this day, all the gods bid farewell to the Jade Emperor and return to the mortal world.
Legend holds that the seventh day (renri) is the day when human beings were created. Chinese Singaporeans celebrate by tossing up a special raw fish salad known as yusheng. As early as the 1930s, Tai Tong Restaurant served a “good fortune yusheng” (haoyun yusheng). 1In the 1960s, the flavours of traditional yusheng were enhanced by the “Four Heavenly Kings” or master chefs of Cantonese cuisine — Tham Yui Kai (1928–1996), Sin Leong, Hooi Kok Wai and Lau Yoke Pui (1932–2006) — who added colourful, crispy ingredients to the dish. Meanwhile, the Teochew community has a cherished custom of consuming food made from seven kinds of vegetables on renri. The vegetables typically include mustard greens, kailan, leek, Chinese cabbage, chard, spring greens, and Chinese celery. The medley of vegetables symbolises hope for fertile fields and abundance.
The ninth day, the Jade Emperor’s birthday, is an important festival for the Hokkien community. On this day, they make food offerings to the Jade Emperor with whole stalks of sugarcane taking centre stage. The sugarcanes are then burnt as a gesture of gratitude. The origins of this tradition are rooted in a Ming dynasty legend where Fujian province was under threat from pirates, and villagers took refuge in the sugarcane fields to escape the calamity. This gave birth to the tradition of thanking the Jade Emperor on the ninth day of Chinese New Year.
The 15th day, which is known as Chap Goh Mei (in Hokkien), Lantern Festival, or yuanxiaojie, marks the last day of the festivities.
River Hongbao and Chingay Parade stand out as some of the mass celebrations that best capture Singapore’s unique culture.
In 1972, the Singapore government banned firecrackers for safety reasons. To keep up the festive atmosphere, the Chingay Parade was introduced the year after as a vibrant street parade with large-scale community participation. Held on the second weekend of Chinese New Year, this event has become an annual spectacle, drawing participation from international performance groups. The River Hongbao festival, meanwhile, was launched in 1987 by the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations, with the goal of preserving and promoting Chinese traditions.
Chinese New Year is a time of feasting and merriment, but one can also imbue the festival with a deeper layer of meaning, for example by taking the chance to reflect and set goals for a better future.
Ini Indexs
Chinese immigrants who came to Singapore in the 19th century found themselves in an unfamiliar land, often with no immediate family or local connections. It was in response to this situation that clan associations developed.
From 1890, the British colonial government required all clan associations to register as legal organisations under the Societies Ordinance. These associations were not allowed to engage in any illegal or political activities and were considered non-profit organisations.
Clan associations can be categorised based on bloodline or locality. These two main categories are closely related, but the nature is different. Bloodline-based clan associations refer to groups of extended family members sharing the same surname, or those with closely-related surnames. These associations are relatively small in scale and often have a limited number of members. Their primary purpose is to foster connections among members of the same extended family. The earliest example of such an association is the Cho Kah Koon (Sing Chow Chiu Kwok Thong Cho Kah Koon in full), established in 1819.
Locality-based clan associations are grouped around geographical regions — such as provinces, prefectures, counties, towns, or villages — and primarily focus on the welfare and mutual support of people who originated from the same area. The earliest example of this is Ning Yeung Wui Kuan, which was established by the Cantonese in 1822. Later that year, the Ying Fo Fui Kun was set up by Hakka from the five districts of Kar Yeng, namely Meixian, Jiaoling, Wuhua, Xingning, and Pingyuan. Some examples of the larger locality-based associations are the Hokkien Huay Kuan, Kiung Chow Hwee Kuan (now Hainan Hwee Kuan) and Kwangtung Hui Kuan. The smaller ones, such as Koh Leng Association, Song Heng Association, and Geok Shee Association, often indicated in their names that their members were from the same villages.
According to Wu Hua’s Records of Chinese Associations in Singapore (Volume 1), more than 200 bloodline-based clan associations were established between the early 19th century and Singapore’s independence in 1965. During the same period, there were 133 locality-based clan associations.
As of 2022, the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations had 244 member organisations, including 229 clan associations and 15 associate members (including cultural and arts organisations, alumni associations, and other Chinese community groups). Among these member associations, seven organisations had fewer than 50 members.
As times change, clan associations have adapted and evolved in terms of their structure and functions. However, they have also faced numerous challenges. An article in Lianhe Zaobao on 20 July 2020 reported that local clan associations were grappling with the issue of an ageing membership. Active members were predominantly seniors in their 60s and 70s, although some associations had members from two different generations. This implied that on top of preserving tradition, clan associations must keep up with the times to avoid generational gaps and ensure their continued existence.
Ini Indexs
After the founding of modern Singapore in 1819, the island attracted a significant influx of Chinese immigrants who travelled south from China in search of better opportunities and livelihoods. The Chinese community in Singapore gradually took shape. These immigrants were further divided into distinct subgroups based on their ancestral home and regional origins, forming respective dialect group identities.
In the early days of Chinese immigration to Singapore, many of these newcomers came from different parts of southern China. They were divided into five major dialect groups known generally as bang. These communities were the Min bang (Hokkiens) comprising immigrants from Fujian, the Guang bang (Cantonese) comprising immigrants from Guangdong, the Ke bang (Hakkas) made up of Hakka immigrants, the Chao bang (Teochews) comprising immigrants from Chaozhou, and the Qiong bang (Hainanese), made up of immigrants from Hainan.
Among the five communities, the Hokkien community had the largest population and the most significant influence, holding a dominant position in early community politics. The Hokkien-speaking people from Fujian arrived in Singapore relatively early. The earliest Hokkien cemetery, Heng San Teng, was established in 1828, just 9 years after Sir Stamford Raffles landed in Singapore in 1819. One of the distinctive features of the Hokkien community was its leadership structure, primarily dominated by prominent Chinese families from Malacca. These families had migrated to Singapore as a group at an earlier time, where they established a Hokkien community and created a second home there.
See Hoot Kee (1793–1847), Tan Tock Seng (1798–1850), and Tan Kim Seng (1805–1864) belonged to important Hokkien families who had their origins in Malacca, and held significant influence and prestige in the Chinese communities in Malacca and Singapore. See Hoot Kee was Heng San Teng’s highest leader, serving as the Director. Tan Tock Seng founded Thian Hock Keng Temple in 1840 — one of the oldest temples in Singapore — which replaced Heng San Teng as the leading institution for the Hokkien community. Tan became an important leader in the Hokkien community as a result.
Tan Kim Seng and other leaders of the Hokkien community established Chongwen Ge in 1849 and Chui Eng Si E in 1854. These are among the earliest documented private schools in Singapore.
After the Hokkiens, the Teochew community in Singapore was the second-largest dialect group in terms of population. The Teochews, too, had migrated to Singapore very early on. The oldest Teochew temple, Yueh Hai Ching Temple (Wak Hai Cheng Bio), existed as early as 1826, and its founding year can even be traced further back, making it older than the Hokkien community’s Thian Hock Keng Temple and Heng San Teng.
Yueh Hai Ching Temple was initially the main institution representing the Teochew community. In 1845, it was replaced by the Ngee Ann Kongsi, an organisation founded by wealthy Teochew leader and merchant Seah Eu Chin (1805–1883). That same year, the Ngee Ann Kongsi purchased Tai Shan Ting, which became the first major Teochew cemetery in Singapore. Under the leadership of the Seah family, the Ngee Ann Kongsi continued to serve as the leading institution for the Teochew community. Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan was established in 1929 and became another leading institution of the Teochew community.
The Seah family’s prolonged leadership of the Teochew community was due to their ownership of extensive land used for pepper and gambier cultivation. Socio-economically speaking, the early Teochew community was relatively homogeneous, with the majority of immigrants engaged in labour-intensive activities like pepper and gambier cultivation. This made it easier for major landowners like the Seah family to maintain control over the community.
Teochews were also active in cultural and educational development, with Teochew leaders collectively funding the establishment of Tuan Mong School in 1906, one of the modern schools at the time. Later, in 1940, they established the Ngee Ann Girls’ School (now Ngee Ann Primary School). Both schools were managed by the Ngee Ann Kongsi.
The Cantonese and Hakka communities were smaller than the Hokkien and Teochew communities in terms of population, though their history of migration to Singapore was not significantly later. Existing textual records indicate that the Cantonese and Hakka communities jointly managed two cemeteries, Cheng San Teng and Loke Yah Teng. The history of Cheng San Teng can be traced back to as early as the 1820s, and it is possible that it was established when Sir Stamford Raffles founded modern Singapore in 1819.
As the Cantonese and Hakka communities were smaller in number, and enjoyed geographical proximity in China, they were willing to cooperate and jointly establish cemeteries — a unique feature not observed in other dialect groups. Though the two communities had fewer members, they could still be further divided into three major subgroups: Kwong Wai Shiu, Fong Yun Thai, and Kar Yeng. Kar Yeng and Fong Yun Thai belonged to the Hakka community, while Kwong Wai Shiu was a combination of the Hakka people from Huizhou and the Cantonese from Guangzhou and Zhaoqing. Apart from jointly managing cemeteries, these three major subgroups also collaborated in the management of the Fuk Tak Chi Temple, a temple that once represented the Cantonese and Hakka communities. However, by the late 19th century, the three subgroups had experienced ongoing conflicts and decided to separate and develop independently, and they each established their own community cemeteries. In the early 20th century, a period when the tradition of building schools was flourishing in the Singapore Chinese community, the Kwong Wai Shiu community established Yeung Ching School (now Yangzheng Primary School), while the Hakka community established Yin Sin School.
Compared to the other four major dialect groups, the Hainanese arrived in Singapore at a later date and had a smaller population. It was not until as late as 1857 that Hainanese pioneers purchased land to establish their exclusive temple, the Tin Hou Kong. Simultaneously, they founded the Kiung Chow Hwee Kuan (now Singapore Hainan Hwee Kuan) within the temple’s premises, serving as the leadership organisation for the Hainanese community.
The majority of the Hainanese were devout followers of the Heavenly Empress (Tianhou), and during the early period, the Kiung Chow Hwee Kuan and Tin Hou Kong shared the same space, essentially becoming one entity. Hainanese pioneers purchased Yu Shan Ting as their community’s ancestral burial ground only in the mid-19th century and expanded the area in 1890 to establish the new Yu Shan Ting. Later, the Hainanese community founded Yock Eng High School (now Yuying Secondary School) in Prinsep Street in 1910, which also came into existence somewhat later compared to the schools of other dialect groups.
To sum up, the dialect group of the 19th century played a significant role in driving the development of the Singapore Chinese community. Against a backdrop of British colonial policies that often employed a “divide and rule” strategy and prioritised imperial interests, these dialect groups of Chinese immigrants sought to unite and mobilise their people by constructing burial grounds, temples, schools, and various community facilities to care for their community members’ needs, from birth to death. This ensured that the Chinese immigrant community could continue to build a home in Singapore on a strong foundation.
In the 19th century, most Chinese people were active in their respective dialect communities or bang and had limited interactions with other dialect groups. This division often led to conflicts and tensions within the Chinese community due to power struggles between groups. However, leaders from different dialect groups would interact and cooperate with one another. For instance, prominent leaders such as Tan Tock Seng of the Hokkien community, Seah Eu Chin of the Teochew community, and Hoo Ah Kay (1816–1880) of the Cantonese community were appointed as Justices of the Peace by the colonial government in the mid-19th century, serving as leaders within the Chinese community. They often worked together to resolve disputes and conflicts between dialect groups.
Towards the end of the 19th century, and the impending collapse of the Qing dynasty, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao’s royalist ideology and Sun Yat-sen’s nationalistic revolutionary activities swept across Singapore and Malaya. These movements impacted the security and business interests of the Chinese community in Singapore. In response, the colonial government tightened its control over the Chinese community, including those on the Malay Peninsula, and worked to weaken the factional powers of the different dialect groups. As a result, there was a growing need for inter-dialect group activities and collaboration across the Chinese community.
After the turn of the 20th century, the influence of nationalist movements from China further diminished the factional consciousness within the Chinese community. The focus shifted from dialect group affiliations to a more overarching sense of patriotism towards China, emphasising the development of a larger Chinese community. After Singapore gained independence, and with the efforts of the post-independence government, there was a significant push to shape a national identity that transcended dialect group affiliations. The factional identity within the Chinese community gradually faded in Singapore.
Ini Indexs
In the early days of modern Singapore,1 the Chinese population was made up primarily of immigrants who had arrived from various coastal regions of China and Malacca. The Hokkien merchants who came from Malacca were mainly Straits Chinese. Many of these Chinese had been educated at the Anglo-Chinese College in Malacca, established by the missionary Robert Morrison (1782–1834).2As a result, they had a good command of English and often had the opportunity to work in the offices of European merchants, allowing them to interact with European expatriates who held significant influence over local affairs. In the burgeoning city of Singapore, they formed the upper class of early Singapore Chinese community.
The Chinese immigrants from China primarily came from the Fujian and Guangdong provinces. The main dialect groups were Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka, and Hainanese. While there were individuals engaged in trade, the majority of these groups were labourers, common folks, and scholars who were dispersed throughout Singapore. They formed the middle and lower classes of early Singapore Chinese community.
Chinese immigrants in the 19th century embarked on arduous journeys, leaving their homeland behind to come to Singapore in search of livelihood and settlement. The driving forces behind this migration included both push and pull factors. Push factors stemmed from the unstable domestic situation in China, characterised by incessant internal conflicts and social unrest, and often exacerbated by oppressive rule. Later, after the First Opium War (1839–1842), China signed the Treaty of Nanking and opened five treaty ports for foreign trade. The relaxation of China’s maritime restrictions led many people to seek opportunities abroad. In addition, China experienced frequent natural disasters, including severe droughts and floods, as well as typhoons and earthquakes. During the Qing dynasty, which spanned 267 years, there were 92 years of severe drought and 190 instances of flooding. China was also prone to catastrophic events such as epidemics and famines. These disasters left many regions in dire circumstances, intensifying the wave of emigration.
Pull factors include the fact that after 1870, Western colonial powers accelerated their economic development of Southeast Asia’s colonies. They required a significant labour force not only for the construction of urban ports and land development, but also for crop cultivation and mining activities. In an effort to develop Singapore into a prosperous commercial port, the British colonial government actively sought a substantial labour force, and the Chinese population became a major source of workers. The colonial government actively encouraged immigration and adopted policies of free trade, successfully attracting a large influx of immigrants to Singapore. On the surface, the Chinese labour force that came to work in Nanyang (Southeast Asia) were known as “contract coolies” under the legal system. In reality, it was a tragic social phenomenon, as many of them were actually victims of human trafficking and subjected to harsh conditions. Singapore’s growth owes a significant debt to the contributions of these Chinese labourers.
Ini Indexs
The early Chinese community in Singapore had its own system of functioning. When the colonial government paid little attention to its welfare, the Chinese community took up the responsibility of looking after themselves. From setting up communal burial grounds, to establishing hospitals, schools, and helping people tackle problems and resolve disputes, mutual support within the community was evident in many ways.
The Chinese community provided help to its members through clan associations. Early immigrants developed close relationships with people from the same hometown, and set up clan associations or mutual aid groups to support one another. In addition to providing employment and accommodation for the sinkehs,1 clan associations also served as contact centres for immigrants of their respective various dialect groups and helped them stay united.
Before clan associations were formed in Singapore, however, temples acted as important organisations to address psychological and livelihood issues of these immigrants.
In the 19th century, the Chinese community in Singapore was built on a system of bang which is virtually a dialect group. The five major groups of bang were Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainanese, and Hakka. Many temples in Singapore had also been organised according to such bang structure.
In the example of the Hokkien bang, Malacca-born merchants who originated from the regions of Zhangzhou and Quanzhou acquired gentry power (bang leadership) by building temples to unite their clansmen, and monopolised leadership positions. As the bang was held above all else, the authority of its leader was inviolable. It was likely that bang leaders had intended to use the divine authority of temples to unify their people, and rely on it to establish gentry power, which was then used to lead, and subsequently become the community leader. In short, divinity was employed to empower the gentry, which in turn legitimised the powers of the bang.
Active participation in temple activities was one of the prerequisites for becoming a community leader of the Chinese community in the early years. See Hoot Kee (1793–1847), leader of the Hokkien clan in Singapore, was the first person to start this trend when he founded Heng San Teng Temple on Silat Road (now Jalan Bukit Merah) in 1828. In addition to See Hoot Kee, Cheang Hong Lim (1825–1893) was another Hokkien leader who was enthusiastic about temple activities.
In the 24 years between 1863 and 1887, Cheang Hong Lim rebuilt and erected five temples. First, he constructed Shuang Shi Da Bo Gong Temple in Pasir Panjang in 1863 and renovated it in 1891. In 1869, he assisted in the expansion of Fuk Tak Chi Temple — co-founded by clans representing people from Guangzhou, Huizhou, Zhaoqing, Fengshun, Yongding, Dapu, and Jiaying — on Telok Ayer Street. In 1887, he reconstructed Qing Yuan Zhen Jun Temple on Upper Hokkien Street (the original was built in 1849 and torn down in the 1980s) and Giok Hong Tian Temple on Havelock Road. He also single-handedly financed the renovation of Kim Lan Temple on Narcis Street (the site of present-day Tanjong Pagar Plaza), which was subsequently relocated to Kim Tian Road. Of all the leaders of the Hokkien community, Cheang Hong Lim built the most temples.
Temples governed under bang were mainly responsible for arranging, managing and executing matters that concerned the public lives of their respective clansmen. They held an important social role, and were managed by leaders of the local Chinese community and key figures of clans. As Southeast Asian historian Tan Yeok Seong (1903–1984) noted in the foreword of the book Shile guji (Historical Monuments in Silat), the role of temples had been constantly expanding since they became socialised, most notably seen to be “organising charity deeds, founding schools, and developing high levels of social functionality”.
The coexistence and interdependence of temples and clan associations played an important role in the Chinese community in early Singapore. For example, Thian Hock Keng temple — built for the worship of sea goddess Mazu — was the result of the Hokkien clan’s efforts, and previously housed the Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan. Today, the social functions of temples are no longer as strong as before, since the socio-economic environment changed as the country progressed.
Clan associations inherited the traditions of temples, and evolved into the clan associations of today through continuous reforms and management of issues within the Chinese community. Temples and clan associations shared a close relationship and had many things in common, and they each fulfilled their social roles during a specific period of history, bearing witness to the history and development of modern Singapore.
Ini Indexs
Qiaopi refers to a letter with a remittance sent back to the family of a Chinese migrant working abroad. These were sent through privately-operated remittance bureaus, and often had these characteristics:
In the early days, most Chinese migrants were male. They would go abroad alone to earn a living, and accumulate money to send back to their hometowns to support their families. Women, children and the elderly often remained in the hometown. In addition, traditional Chinese values placed importance on seniority and male members of the family over females, so over 60% of qiaopi were addressed to paternal grandparents or parents, and predominantly to the men. If women were to receive the qiaopi there would also be strict adherence to status, taking into account seniority and patriarchal bloodline. If the paternal grandmother was alive, one would not address it to the mother. If the mother was alive, one would not address it to the wife. Even one’s young son had more rights to receive the qiaopi than the mother.
During those early days, many of the migrants generally were not highly educated — most were illiterate or semi-illiterate. When they made their remittances, they would only write the date and the amount. There emerged a group of more educated people who were able to help the migrants write simple letters, or assistants in the remittance agencies who would help them to write a message for free. In Singapore, professional letter writers would sit at a small stall by the road. They would be equipped with a small table, paper, brush, ink, as well as a stool. The small stalls would often be at the five-foot ways of shophouses, under the shade of a tree, or at the base of a wall. The letter writers would charge three to six cents per letter, depending on how long it was. The letters they wrote were often neat and tidy, included some calligraphy, and were in a set format, using polite language to respectfully ask after the family.
In most instances, accompanying a letter would be a remittance to help with family expenses and education for the children. However, in some instances, the Chinese migrants would also send some items that could not be easily procured in their hometown, for example flour, western medicines, or new styles of clothing and fabrics.
The Chinese who emigrated to Singapore were predominantly Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainanese, and Hakka. The qiaopi of the different communities would often contain specific words and phrases unique to those dialect groups. Often, migrants would seek out a letter writer who spoke the same dialect as them to write their letters. The Chinese migrants would go to a remittance agency operated by their own community to send their qiaopi back to their hometown.
The qiaopi shed light on the economics, society, culture and politics of the time. In acknowledgment of its cultural and historical significance, it was included in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register in 2013.
Qiaopi helped connect relatives across the sea. These were some of its important functions:
In the early days, the migrants were often men who had left their parents, wives and children behind in their hometowns. Although it seems they were not present in the everyday lives of their families, their influence as the head of the household remained. They men would often remit money to their families at regular intervals, which made them the main financial pillar of the family. Not only that, the qiaopi would often indicate their decisions on family matters.
Some of the men who migrated and left their wives behind would marry another wife and have children in their new country. However, they would also maintain their relationship with their wives and children in their hometown. This led to the phenomenon of early Chinese migrants “heading two families”. Some of the wives who remained in the hometown had not borne any children because their husbands were abroad for a long time. As a result, they would adopt children so they would have someone to care for them in their old age.
Various folk customs and habits practiced in the hometowns of the migrants were brought along with them when they moved abroad.
For example, many women in the coastal villages of China had long been worshipping deities, and commonly sought counsel from the gods and divination. Some of those women who were working abroad would, through qiaopi, ask family elders in their hometown to seek divine counsel on their behalf on matters pertaining to their children.
Ancestor worship was another folk custom practised by people in coastal villages of China. The qiaopi would often indicate that some of the remittance be used for ancestral worship.
After the Chinese migrated abroad, they were influenced by the more advanced standards of education in the new country. In addition, their economic situation was slightly better than the average family back home, which meant they could afford to give their children an education. In the qiaopi, they would often discuss matters relating to education. Some of the amount remitted would also have been set aside for their children’s education, which in turn helped make their families more cultured.
Through qiaopi, the Chinese migrants could receive timely news about their families back home, and even help arrange family matters. This enabled them to “live both abroad and in their hometown at the same time”. Within each qiaopi is the story of a Chinese migrant going abroad to make a living — a piece of history of an ordinary person with no place in the official history.
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Early migrants who came to Nanyang (Southeast Asia) in the 19th century often ended up dying here. Their burial sites and rites were then arranged by fellow clansmen. During the Qing Ming Festival on the 15th day after the spring equinox, usually falling in early April, people would visit gravesites to burn incense and worship their ancestors. This formed the model for Qing Ming rituals in Singapore.
As time went by, the different dialect groups acquired their own burial grounds in Singapore. These included Heng Suah Teng for the Hokkiens; Tai Suah Ting for the Teochews; Peck San Theng for the Cantonese; Yu Shan Ting for the Hainanese; and Shuang Long Shan for the Hakkas, among others. The early Qing Ming ancestor worship rites in Singapore were centred around these burial grounds.
According to the Liji, or Book of Rites, “Ceremonies are of five kinds, and there is none of them more important than sacrifices. Sacrifice is not a thing coming to a man from without; it issues from within him, and has its birth in his heart. When the heart is deeply moved, expression is given to it by ceremonies; and hence, only men of ability and virtue can give complete exhibition to the idea of sacrifice.”1
Worship rites are a crucial aspect of ancestral rituals. During the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties, the decree of “going to the outskirts and visiting ancestral graves” was issued for the Qing Ming Festival, which evolved into one of the most significant traditional ancestor worship festivals for the Chinese.
The significance of ancestor worship and tomb sweeping lies in the cultural values of honouring ancestors and cherishing the past. The customs of Qing Ming ancestor worship can be traced back to the Cold Food Festival, which falls on the day before Qing Ming.
According to Chinese folklore, during the Spring and Autumn Period (770–476 BCE), the nobleman Chong’er from the state of Jin went into exile. When he fainted from hunger, his loyal follower Jie Zitui cut a piece of flesh from his leg and roasted it to feed him. Many years later, Chong’er became Duke Wen of Jin, and wanted to reward Jie Zitui for his loyalty. However, Jie Zitui declined the reward, and, carrying his elderly mother on his back, retreated to the mountains. Duke Wen set the mountain on fire, hoping that Jie Zitui would come out. Tragically, Jie Zitui and his mother were burned alive. Duke Wen then established the day of the fire as the Cold Food Festival, decreeing that only cold and raw food should be eaten on that day as a sign of gratitude and remembrance.
Every Qing Ming Festival, Singapore’s Chinese cemeteries and columbaria buzz with activity. The festival has become a day for Chinese Singaporeans to gather with their families. In the past, people would usually visit gravesites to sweep their ancestors’ tombs. Today, cremation is more common, and people head to the columbarium to pay respects to their ancestors. Singaporeans also have the options of sea burial or scattering the ashes of their loved ones in the Garden of Peace in Choa Chu Kang.
In recent years, the number of Chinese people opting for sea burials has increased — accounting for 10% to 16%.2 The designated sea burial site in Singapore is approximately 2.8km south of Pulau Semakau. However, families of the deceased could also arrange through funeral services and the relevant authorities to perform the sea burial in waters between Singapore’s main island and Pulau Tekong. The ashes are wrapped in white or red cloth, or placed in biodegradable urns, which are released into the sea by family members — often accompanied by a scattering of flowers.
Singapore’s Chinese clan associations continue the tradition of collective ancestor worship, organising spring prayers during the Qing Ming Festival. The Hokkien Huay Kuan holds spring prayers at cemeteries in Mandai and Choa Chu Kang (as the earlier Hokkien burial grounds were relocated to these sites). The worship ceremony is led by the General Affairs Committee of the Hokkien Huay Kuan. It commences with the laying out of sacrifices and offerings, followed by the lighting of incense and candles in worship of Tua Pek Kong and ancestors. The master of ceremonies then delivers an oration in remembrance of the contributions made by the ancestors, and prays for blessings for the nation. After that, the attendees bow in respect before burning joss paper. 3
Cantonese associations such as the Hok San Association, Kong Chow Association, and Sam Sui Association, which have their own lion dance troupes, have also preserved the custom of performing lion dances to pay respect to ancestors for over a century. During the Qing Ming and Chong Yang Festivals, these troupes visited the memorial tomb at the Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng to pay their respects, pioneering the practice of performing lion dance as part of ancestor worship.4
After the ancestor worship ceremony, everyone can partake in the offerings blessed by the ancestors. Such offerings usually comprise the five sacrifices (such as chicken or duck, pig’s head, fish, crab, and cuttlefish), fruits, rice with dishes, and confectionery. Some associations use roast pig as the primary offering. After ancestor worship, they practise the tradition of “Meat Distribution” after the ancestor worship, in which elders distribute portions of the roast pig to everyone. This embodies the ideals of unity and mutual assistance, while also passing down blessings through the generations.
The traditions practised during Qing Ming Festival in Singapore differ according to one’s dialect group. When sweeping tombs, the Teochews placed coloured paper, held down by cockle shells (a nod to the currency of ancient times) on graves to symbolise offering money to their ancestors.5They also practised tomb sweeping during the winter solstice. Similarly, the Hokkiens were known for placing rectangular coloured paper, held down by stones, on graves to show that they had visited to worship their ancestors.6They ate popiah (a crepe-like roll filled with cooked meat and vegetables), and scattered the shells of cockles in front of their ancestors’ graves after eating them.7 Meanwhile, the Cantonese used sugarcane as an offering, symbolising a sweet, harmonious family. When chewing on sugarcane, one must start from the top and finish it to the end, representing the importance of completing tasks from beginning to end, with a good start and a good finish.
The Chong Yang Festival, which falls on the ninth day of the ninth month in the lunar calendar, is similar to Qing Ming. It is a day to remember ancestors and visit their graves for tomb sweeping, and involves a practice known as qiuji or “autumn prayers”. In recent years, there has been a decrease in local observance of the autumn prayers, but some clan associations and community groups still uphold the tradition of honouring ancestors on that day. The spring prayers at Qing Ming Festival and autumn prayers at Chong Yang Festival are important events that have been observed by Chinese Singaporeans to remember the teachings and contributions of their forefathers, as well as show filial piety.
Ini Indexs
Early Chinese immigrants brought Dragon Boat Festival (Duan Wu Festival) celebrations from their hometowns to Singapore. It is now one of the four major Chinese festivals celebrated on the island, along with Chinese New Year, Qing Ming Festival, and the Mid-Autumn Festival. As times changed, the customs of the Dragon Boat Festival were simplified. The practices of wearing fragrant sachets as well as hanging mugwort leaves and calamus on the door to ward off evil spirits and disasters are rarely seen today. The tradition of eating dumplings and racing dragon boats, however, remains.
The origins of the Dragon Boat Festival date back to the Warring States Period in China more than 2,000 years ago. Qu Yuan, a poet and patriot, wrote in The Songs of Chu:
A Cantonese saying goes, “The dragon is in the field during the market period, and on the third and fourth days of the lunar month, the dragon leaps into the abyss.”
Dragon boat races are carried out on the third and fourth days of the fifth lunar month. After the races, the villagers bury the body of the dragon boat in the river, while the dragon’s head and tail are placed in the ancestral hall.
In the regions of Fuzhou and Quanzhou, there is also a tradition of dragon boat racing that dates back about 600 years. In Fuzhou, it is often said: “Since ancient times, dragon boat races have been held during the day, but only in Sanxi do they race at night.” Dragon boat races in Sanxi Village are held at night so that the farmers, who work during the day, can participate in this grand event at night.1
Eating rice dumplings as a family during the Dragon Boat Festival holds significant cultural and historical meaning. Rice dumplings in Singapore come in a variety of flavours, such as traditional Hokkien-style meat dumplings, Guangdong-style savoury meat dumplings, green bean dumplings, and alkaline rice dumplings, all wrapped in bamboo leaves.2
When Singaporeans eat alkaline rice dumplings, they like to dip them in a little sugar or a local coconut jam called kaya to enhance the taste.
Nonya rice dumplings, a local specialty, are sweet and fragrant. The filling is mainly made up of pork, five-spice powder, and candied winter melon. Wrapped in pandan leaves and steamed, they are infused with the aroma of plants.
Traditional rice dumplings are triangular in shape, like a pyramid. The base of Guangdong-style dumplings, on the other hand, are quadripartite-shaped. Some Guangdong-style dumplings are wrapped in lotus leaves, steamed, and elongated in shape, but these have nothing to do with commemorating Qu Yuan.
Some Singaporean Hakka people preserve the tradition of ancestor worship and eating ai ban, a traditional kueh or cake made with mugwort and glutinous rice, during the Dragon Boat Festival. Ai ban is easy to make. Glutinous rice and mugwort are steamed together and can be flavoured with various ingredients according to personal taste. From the perspective of traditional Chinese medicine, mugwort is believed to have cooling and detoxifying properties, so ai ban also aims to enhance health and prevent illness.
Chinese associations in Singapore have been holding Dragon Boat Festival activities for many years. Various clan associations host events such as dragon boat carnivals, rice dumpling tasting gatherings, dumpling wrapping competitions and story-telling events every year. These events provide different avenues for people to learn about the festival.
Singapore held its first dragon boat race in 1978. Since then, dragon boat racing has evolved into an annual event in the country. Participants are typically organised into teams of 12 or 22 members, which include 10 paddlers, one steersman, and one coach, or 20 paddlers, one steersman, and one drummer. Bedok Reservoir, Marina Bay, the Singapore River, and East Coast Park are among the venues that have hosted dragon boat races.
Dragon boat racing has evolved into a water sport that attracts both men and women from various ethnic groups. Students and young people are often seen practising dragon boat racing in places such as Bedok Reservoir, Kallang River, Jurong Lake, and Punggol Reservoir. Through dragon boat racing, participants not only train their physical fitness, but also build their willpower and teamwork.
