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On 2 December 1984, a seminar on the Chinese clan associations of Singapore was held, breaking the years of silence that had prevailed among local clan associations. Jointly initiated by nine associations, the seminar affirmed the social functions of clan associations and proposed 10 initiatives regarding how these organisations could play more active roles in the new era. They were the Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan, Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan, Singapore Kwangtung Association, Singapore Foochow Association, Nanyang Khek Community Guild (now known as Nanyang Hakka Federation), Kiung Chow Hwee Kuan (now known as Singapore Hainan Hwee Kuan), Sam Kiang Huay Kwan, Singapore Chin Kang Huay Kuan, and Singapore Hui Ann Association.
Following the seminar, a pro-tem committee for the formation of the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA) was put together by seven of the nine associations. Together, they raised $400,000 for the Federation’s general funds and officially registered SFCCA on 27 August 1986, when its first general meeting was held.
The four main objectives of SFCCA were:
Today, SFCCA has approximately 245 members, of which 18 are associate members, including Chinese community organisations such as arts and cultural groups and alumni associations.
Over the years, SFCCA has organised activities for its members and the general public with the aim of shaping a unique Singapore Chinese culture. These activities can be divided into four major categories: festivals, cultural performances, academic seminars, and publications.
The Federation’s first president was Wee Cho Yaw (1929–2024), chairman emeritus of United Overseas Bank, and management was divided into the council and the working committee. The first council (1986–1988) consisted of nine members from across the seven clan associations involved. The working committee under the council was made up of five groups: administrative, publishing, cultural, academic, and a managing committee for SFCCA’s resource centres. Its main task was to propose activities and put them into action.
In October 2010, Chua Thian Poh, founder and chief executive of Ho Bee Group, took over as president and introduced a slew of initiatives in keeping with the times. These included setting up scholarships; giving out “Clan of the Year” awards; establishing the Singapore Chinese Cultural Centre; producing new magazines such as Oneness on top of the existing Yuan magazine; as well as publishing books such as A General History of the Chinese in Singapore in both English and Chinese.
Tan Aik Hock, chairman of the Singapore Lam Ann Association, assumed the role of the third president in 2018. Three years later, in September 2021, Thomas Chua Kee Seng, then-president of Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan, took office as SFCCA’s fourth and current president. In an interview with Lianhe Zaobao, Chua said that while SFCCA’s original goal was to promote traditional Chinese culture, the Federation would also continue to play its role in fostering racial harmony, and strengthening the relationship and communication between Chinese community organisations and the government.
SFCCA now comprises six executive committees: Member Affairs Committee, Social Affairs Committee, Cultural Committee, Research Committee, Youth Committee, and Property Committee. Each committee has between 10 and 13 members. New immigrants are represented in these committees, giving them an avenue to integrate into local mainstream society by participating in the activities of the association — in line with the government’s integration policy.
As Chinese clan associations continue to transform and innovate, the Federation is formulating new strategies based on five principles: modernisation of concepts, professionalisation of management, rejuvenation of organisations, diversification of activities, and institutionalisation of systems. On top of these, the Federation is advocating three forms of renewal: repositioning, readjustment, and redevelopment. In essence, the SFCCA has gradually transformed itself into a significant organisation that promotes and passes down local Chinese culture.
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China’s economic reform and introduction of its open door policy in 1978 started a new wave of overseas emigration. As a result, the term “new immigrants” emerged to distinguish this group from two major types of pre-war immigrants: Chinese merchants and labourers. After establishing diplomatic relations with China in 1990, Singapore expanded its close cross-border economic and trade ties with China. This included welcoming a significant number of new immigrants and integrating them into various sectors of the local community.
In mainstream Singapore Chinese society today, the majority of the population are descendants of immigrants who arrived before World War II, primarily originating from Guangdong and Fujian provinces. Their traditional ancestral origins are categorised into five major dialect groups: Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka, and Hainanese. The new immigrants came from a more diverse range of hometowns that spanned various regions across China, including both the northern and southern regions, as well as coastal and inland areas. The industries in which these new immigrants in Singapore were involved similarly had a more diverse profile, going beyond just the industrial and commercial landscape.
Early Chinese community organisations were mostly formed and developed around the five major dialect groups and could be divided into three main categories: geography, blood ties, and occupation. During the British colonial era, their functions were quite comprehensive — they played a significant role in addressing the needs of the local Chinese community and promoting the process of localisation while maintaining connections with their homeland.
After Singapore’s independence in 1965, many functions of Chinese community organisations were gradually handed over to government agencies. As the identity of the local Chinese population became more diverse, the number of cross-dialect and cross-ethnic organisations increased. Some smaller community organisations began to decline in the 1980s, as they faced challenges in attracting new members and grappled with the issue of an ageing membership.
After 1990, the arrival of new Chinese immigrants revitalised the landscape of Chinese community organisations. In the era of globalisation, new immigrant groups have used the internet and social media to introduce the purpose and objectives of their organisations to galvanise their members.
The earliest and largest new immigrant associations in Singapore were the Singapore Tian Fu Association and the Hua Yuan Association. The former was established in 2001, while the establishment of the Hua Yuan Association followed a year later. Both groups saw broad representation, with members coming from diverse backgrounds. While the core membership of the Tian Fu Association was initially made up of immigrants originating from Sichuan, immigrants from other backgrounds were welcome to apply for membership. Similarly, the Hua Yuan Association was open to all new immigrants from China.
Other than these two organisations, the majority of new immigrant groups were distinguished by geography and province, facilitating the integration of people from the same hometown. These include organisations like the Tian Fu Association, Shaanxi Association, Jinshang Business Club (Singapore), Guizhou Association Singapore, Shandong Association Singapore, and Jiangsu Association Singapore. In contrast, many early traditional community organisations were organised at the county level, such as the Ann Kway Association and Poon Yue Association.
Additionally, a considerable number of the new Chinese immigrant community organisations are alumni associations, reflecting the higher levels of education among new immigrants. These include the alumni associations of Shanghai Jiao Tong University, Tsinghua University, and Peking University. Prior to the 1990s, such alumni associations were not as common, and even less so in the pre-World War II era, when Chinese community organisations primarily comprised merchants and labourers.
As both the board members and members of organisations established by new Chinese immigrants in Singapore were first-generation immigrants, they were enthusiastic about promoting group activities and have undoubtedly established a fresh dynamic in the landscape of social organisations in Singapore. Not only did these groups consist of members with relatively high educational backgrounds, they also operated in diverse ways.
To facilitate integration into local society, new immigrant groups continue to actively collaborate with the government and mainstream society to foster cross-cultural and cross-ethnic interactions, such as by organising charity events. In the context of a rising China, these groups also naturally strive to promote transnational networks and economic and trade relations between Singapore and China. As a result, there is also richer cultural exchange between the two countries.
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In 1921, A. L. Birch (birth and death years unknown), a European electrical engineer from Johor, brought the first radio system to Malaya, marking the beginning of private radio broadcasting experiments in the country. In 1923, Birch gathered European amateur radio enthusiasts like himself to form Johor Wireless Society (1923–1924), the first of its kind in Malaya. In 1924, the Singapore Wireless Society was also established.
In May 1933, the colonial authorities granted the first broadcasting licence to the Radio Service Company of Malaya. The broadcasting studio of the company’s radio station, Z.H.I., was located next to its storefront on No. 2 Orchard Road. Z.H.I. was an amateur radio station that aired weekly on Monday, Wednesday, Thursday evening, and Sunday morning to the whole of Malaya. Although this was the first stable radio broadcast in the country, its audience was limited to the middle and upper classes of the European community. Radio experiments were expensive and not only required the purchase or rental of transmitting equipment, but also a registration licence issued by the colonial government for the use of wireless equipment. Furthermore, it was necessary to buy expensive receivers in order to obtain this licence, which itself cost five dollars. These factors prevented radio from becoming a part of people’s daily lives at the time.
On 21 July 1935, the first commercial broadcasting station was established in Singapore when the colonial government’s Postal and Telegraph Department granted a broadcasting licence to the British Malaya Broadcasting Corporation (BMBC). At the end of 1963, Z.H.I.’s broadcasting licence was terminated, resulting in BMBC’s access to exclusive broadcasting rights in Singapore.
To ensure that other electronic devices in the city did not interfere with radio signals, BMBC intentionally set up their office and medium-wave transmitters at Caldecott Hill on Thompson Road. The corporation began broadcasting under the call sign ZHL in March 1937, and the station was on air for 36 hours a week by 1938. In addition to English broadcasts which catered mainly to the European community, Radio ZHL also introduced one-hour music programmes in Chinese, Malay, and Tamil for local listeners. The first Chinese programme director was Sze Chu Sian (1910–1990).
At the end of the 1930s, though World War II was in full swing in Europe, Malaya had not yet been directly affected by the war and broadcasting was still seen as a British tool for propaganda in the Far East. As such, the British colonial government acquired BMBC on 2 March 1940 and rebranded it as the Malaya Broadcasting Corporation (MBC). Under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Information, MBC continued to provide broadcasting services to Singapore and the Federated Malay States. Radio broadcasting in Singapore then entered a new phase in its development after it was officially taken over by national institutions.
MBC grew steadily under the leadership of director Eric Davis (1906–unknown). Besides training a large number of Asian employees, four new radio transmitters were installed at Caldecott Hill in the transmitting station previously owned by BMBC to provide a more stable broadcasting service to Singapore and the Malayan Peninsula. At the same time, MBC relocated its broadcasting studio and office to Cathay Building, and introduced multilingual news segments in its daily broadcast. On top of 12 English-language and nine Chinese-language (including dialects) news segments, current affairs were also reported in other languages such as Malay, Tamil, French, Arabic, and Dutch.
When the war broke out in 1942, a group of MBC staff retreated to India and Jakarta to continue broadcasting mere days before the Japanese occupied Singapore. The broadcasting facilities in Singapore were later taken over by the Japanese and renamed Syonan Hoso Kyoku. During the Japanese Occupation of 1942 to 1945, the radio station was used to broadcast Japanese propaganda.
After the Japanese surrendered in September 1945, MBC was immediately taken over by the British Military Administration (Malaya) and underwent restructuring. In 1946, the administration established the Department of Broadcasting to oversee broadcasting works in the whole of Malaya. In April of the same year, Radio Malaya was formed to broadcast news regarding the Commonwealth of Nations to the people of Malaya, educate the public, and provide entertainment. The station’s headquarters was in Singapore, while branch offices were set up in Penang, Malacca, and Kuala Lumpur. Operation and management responsibilities were shared between the colonial government of Singapore and the Malayan Union government. In a bid to address the shortage of teaching resources in post-war times, Radio Malaya also set up a school division in January 1946 to produce educational radio programmes for classroom teaching in schools of different language streams.1
In 1950, during the state of emergency, the colonial government’s Emergency Information Service began broadcasting special programmes to rural communities and new villages. Radio Malaya’s Mandarin, English, Malay, and Tamil programmes also gradually Malayanised in line with the government’s efforts during the Emergency. In 1953, the Community and Rural Broadcasting department was renamed Rural Broadcasting, merging with the programming division of Radio Malaya.
From 1950 onwards, Radio Malaya’s air time grew together with its content, which became more diverse. Traditional tales narrated in dialect by Lee Dai Soh (1913–1989), Ong Toh (1920–1999), and Ng Chia Kheng (1912–2003) were particularly popular. The prevalence of radio in the 1950s also led to the publication of the radio magazine Nanyang Radio Weekly.
Political movements were common in Singapore and Malaya between 1956 and 1958, and changes in the political landscape naturally affected broadcasting operations. In 1957, the Federation of Malaya became independent and Radio Malaya was split into two, with the Singapore headquarters remaining under the control of the colonial government. When Singapore attained self-governance in 1959, Radio Singapura was established as the official broadcasting institution under the management of the Singapore government.
However, following the merger of Singapore and Malaya in 1963, Radio Singapura and Radio Malaya merged once again to form Radio and Television Malaysia/Singapura. In February of the same year, Singapore’s then-Minister for Culture S. Rajaratnam (1915–2006) inaugurated Television Singapura. When Singapore separated from Malaysia and gained independence in August 1965, Radio Singapura and Television Singapura were combined into Radio Television Singapore (RTS) and placed under the management of the Ministry of Culture.
On 1 February 1980, RTS was converted into a statutory board known as the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), ushering in a new era of commercialised broadcasting. During this period, the record industry flourished, and many popular local and international singers promoted their records on radio shows. Long Hu Bang, a Chinese weekly music show featuring the top ten hits, was also launched in 1983.
The 1990s saw the blossoming of a wide range of Chinese radio stations, each with its own distinct character. These included: YES 933, NTUC Radio Heart 100.3 FM, CAPITAL 958, LOVE 972, and Dongli 88.3FM (now known as 88.3JIA). Radio Singapore International (RSI) was also established in 1994 to broadcast the sounds of Singapore to the rest of Southeast Asia.
On 1 October 1994, SBC became fully privatised, and all its broadcasting channels were brought under Radio Corporation of Singapore Pte Ltd (RCS), a subsidiary of Singapore International Media (SIM). In June 1999, the company underwent further restructuring. RCS was renamed Mediacorp Radio and Media Corporation of Singapore (MCS, Mediacorp) took charge of operating all radio and television stations.
In 2001, Singapore Press Holdings (SPH) ventured into radio broadcasting, through SPH UnionWorks, a joint management between SPH and NTUC Media. NTUC Radio Heart was rebranded as UFM100.3 in the same year. In 2013, SPH acquired NTUC Media’s stake in SPH UnionWorks. In 2018, SPH launched another Chinese radio station 96.3 Hao FM.
Looking back at the history of radio broadcasting in Singapore, it is evident that its development has been closely tied to societal shifts and the evolving needs of listeners. The challenges posed by the internet, podcasts, and other new media platforms in the 21st century will undoubtedly require radio stations in Singapore to adapt their approach in order to continue informing and entertaining their listeners.
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Besides organisations based on geography, kinship, and trade ties, there were also Chinese associations that emerged under special circumstances in Singapore. Examples include the Straits Chinese British Association (SCBA), United Chinese Library (UCL), Syonan-to Overseas Chinese Association (OCA) during the Japanese Occupation of Singapore (1942–1945), and the Nanyang Chinese Exchange and Remittance Association. In addition, prominent Chinese business clubs, such as Ee Hoe Hean Club, Chui Huay Lim Club, and Goh Loo Club, served as gathering places for social elites and wealthy entrepreneurs.
Founded in 1895 and composed predominantly of Hokkien members, Ee Hoe Hean Club is one of the few century-old clubs in Singapore. Similarly noteworthy is Chui Huay Lim Club, which was established in 1845 and consists primarily of Teochew members. In 1925, Ee Hoe Hean Club relocated to its current address at 43 Bukit Pasoh Road. Guided by the spirit of “non-partisanship, caring for the people, and caring for the nation”, Ee Hoe Hean Club served as a venue for leaders of the Chinese community to ponder over and discuss important issues. It also served as the headquarters of the South-East Asia Federation of the China Relief Fund during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Beyond its social functions, Ee Hoe Hean Club contributed to supporting the Chinese revolution, assisting in the War of Resistance against Japan, advocating for citizenship rights, and promoting the establishment of Nanyang University.
Chui Huay Lim Club is not only an important place for social gatherings and banquets for local Teochew businessmen, but also an activity centre and cultural landmark. Since its inception, the club has remained at its Keng Lee Road address.
Goh Loo Club was initially situated at 124 Cross Street (colloquially known as Kling Street). It was originally named Goh Kee Club and served as a leisure and entertainment venue for Chinese elites. It was renamed Goh Loo Club in 1907 and moved to its current address, 72 Club Street, in 1927. After the 1937 Marco Polo Bridge Incident, in which Chinese and Japanese soldiers exchanged fire near the Marco Polo Bridge outside what is now known as Beijing, Goh Loo Club raised funds to aid Chinese refugees, playing a crucial role in social welfare activities. During the Japanese Occupation, the club was forced to become the office premise of the Syonan-to Overseas Chinese Association.
The Syonan-to Overseas Chinese Association was established in March 1942 under the direction of the Japanese military government, after the fall of Singapore. Its aim was to mediate between the authorities and the local Chinese community. In the early days, the association raised 50 million Straits dollars in donations for the Japanese government. Later on, it helped the Japanese troops to implement policies, restore social order, increase food production, and carry out large-scale rural resettlement. Singapore historian Chua Ser Koon pointed out in A General History of the Chinese in Singapore that the association served as a puppet organisation that worked tirelessly for the Japanese military government, carrying out duties assigned by the “Empire of Japan”.
The Straits Chinese British Association (SCBA) was founded on 17 August 1900 with the protection and support of the British colonial government. Its purpose was to cultivate pro-British sentiments among local Chinese. The SCBA also focused on welfare issues affecting the Straits Chinese, safeguarding the legal rights of overseas Chinese and elevating the political status of Peranakan Chinese.
On 6 February 1919, the centenary of Singapore’s founding, representatives from the SCBA and the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, among other Chinese community organisations, attended the unveiling ceremony of the relocated statue of Sir Stamford Raffles and offered their congratulations to the Governor. In 1964, the association was renamed the Singapore Chinese Peranakan Association.
Initiated by Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen, the United Chinese Library (UCL) was established in 1911 on Armenian Street. Its aim was to promote Sun’s Three Principles of the People (nationalism, democracy, and socialism) and to enlighten overseas Chinese. The society collected and displayed publications for the Chinese community, promoting cultural development. It established schools to promote the Chinese language, advocating cultural reforms. The UCL modified marriage customs and conducted civil ceremonies as well as group weddings.
In the immediate post-World War II years when Singapore did not have a government in place, the UCL actively contributed to maintaining law and order. Like Ee Hoe Hean Club, the United Chinese Library was an important political and educational force in the new Chinese society. In 1985, the society was relocated from 51 Armenian Street to its current address at 53 Cantonment Road to make way for urban redevelopment.
After the Pacific War, communication and trade between China and Nanyang resumed, leading to a surge in remittances and letters from overseas Chinese back to China. To meet the needs then, Hokkien businessman Lim Soo Gan (1928–1993) and his peers founded the Nanyang Chinese Exchange and Remittance Association in March 1946. The association delivered remittances from overseas Chinese to their relatives in China while bringing back news from those relatives.
Such remittance agencies operated based on the demands of a migrant society. When this social foundation was shaken in 1949, these remittance businesses vanished and became a part of Singapore’s history.
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Early Chinese immigrants to Singapore consisted of two main groups: the Peranakans and the sinkehs. The Peranakans were descended from Chinese settlers who had arrived in Singapore before the 19th century and married local Malay women. Over the generations, they blended Chinese, Malay, and British colonial traditions, forging a unique cultural identity. The Peranakans did not have a music genre of their own. Rather, their music was inspired by many sources, including Western pop, jazz, Hawaiian melodies, and Latin music such as cha-cha-chá and mambo. Peranakan musicians created an eclectic blend of Nanyang (Southeast Asian) and Western musical styles. The medley of cultural influence is seen in the use of the Malay serunai (a type of wind instrument) to adopt popular Hokkien tunes during weddings, funerals and other events. The Peranakan community especially enjoys music influenced by Western and Malay popular music. This can be seen in the prevalence of performances featuring small musical ensembles playing dondang sayang and kroncong — Malay love ballads and folk songs respectively. From violins to guitars and ukuleles, Peranakan musicians harmoniously integrate these Western instruments with the rhythms of the Malay rebana (frame drum) and knobbed gong.
In addition to standalone musical performances, the dondang sayang accompanies performances of pantun (a Malay poetic form), bangsawan (an operatic form popular in the Malay peninsula), and wayang peranakan (Peranakan musical theatre). The Peranakans founded numerous amateur musical societies during the British colonial era. These groups provided a good source of entertainment at family gatherings, and also performed publicly for commercial gigs and festive celebrations.1
Meanwhile, the sinkehs (“newcomer” in Hokkien) were Chinese immigrants who relocated to Singapore from various regions of China between the 19th and early 20th centuries. Originating from a range of dialect groups, they included the Hokkiens (from Fujian), Cantonese (from Guangdong), Hainanese (from Hainan), Teochews (from Chaozhou), and Hakkas. They brought their native musical instruments and traditions to Singapore.
The musical and artistic pursuits of the Chinese immigrants flourished particularly during Chinese festivities. These included deities’ birthdays, auspicious celebrations, and even funerals. Over time, the sinkehs established various clan associations or huiguan, which not only acted as hubs for social and emotional connection but also played pivotal roles in fostering the development of Chinese music in Singapore. Chinatown was initially the heart of this musical development. From there, it spread to nearby areas such as Dapo (South Bridge Road) and Xiaopo (North Bridge Road). The establishment of three major amusement parks in Singapore — New World, Great World, and Gay World (formerly Happy World) — marked a milestone in the history of Singapore’s Chinese music scene.2 These attractions drew numerous acclaimed musicians and actors from China to perform in the Nanyang region. Their high-calibre performances encouraged many local musical groups to professionalise.
Importantly, local musical groups were instrumental during pivotal moments in Singapore’s history. They supported fundraising for China’s revolutionary causes, contributed to the anti-Japanese resistance, and provided aid to refugees. The years of the Japanese Occupation (1942–1945) saw Singapore’s musical organisations struggle for survival. Subsequently, the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 made it challenging for China’s musical groups to perform overseas. Under such circumstances, the traditional musical groups in Singapore began to localise and evolve into amateur groups.3
Singapore’s Chinese music falls broadly into two categories: dialect-based music genres and pan-Chinese music genres. A detailed subdivision of these genres is shown in the following table:
Pan-Chinese music genres
Independent Singapore was built on the bedrock of multiculturalism. This ethos, combined with the integration of the Chinese community with other ethnic groups, significantly enriched the Singaporean Chinese music scene. With the establishment of the National Theatre in 1963 and the Kreta Ayer People’s Theatre in 1969, musicians of various Chinese dialect groups and musical genres found prominent stages to showcase their talents.
As participation in music and the arts became a social trend, local audiences ardently supported performances by both domestic musical groups and visiting overseas artistes. Concurrently, the Singaporean government ramped up its endorsement of the arts as part of its nation-building initiative, and positioned Chinese music as a symbol of ethnic culture.4
However, the 1979 nationwide Speak Mandarin Campaign shifted the landscape and sidelined dialects from the national education policy. This led to a decline in the popularity of dialect- or locality-based musical groups between 1980 and 2010. During this lull period, support for traditional, dialect-based music and culture largely hinged on grassroots initiatives. There has been a marked policy shift in recent years: the Singaporean government has been actively reviving traditional Chinese culture. It has championed academic seminars and supported the establishment of the Singapore Chinese Cultural Centre, heralding a new era in the evolution of traditional Chinese culture in Singapore. The trajectory of Chinese music in Singapore epitomises the synthesis of grassroots passion and governmental support, ensuring the enduring legacy of Chinese musical traditions for future generations.
Shielded from the impact of China’s Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), Singapore’s Chinese music culture largely preserved its originality. Notably, the confluence of diverse ethnicities and cultures over time has deeply enriched and infused a distinct local flavour into the Chinese music scene. The accumulation of a century of cultural interaction and experimentation has crafted today’s distinctive Singapore Chinese music soundscape. This allows Singapore’s Chinese music to showcase its unique local character while also reflecting a rich mosaic of influences. The melodies of immigrant Chinese, Peranakan, and contemporary Chinese musicians interweave to form a vibrant tapestry of Singaporean Chinese music.
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Founded in 1968, the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra was the predecessor of the Singapore Chinese Orchestra (SCO). It was only in 1992 that it adopted its current name. In 1996, with support and funding from the government, the SCO underwent restructuring to become a national-level professional orchestra, based in the Singapore Conference Hall.
Chinese orchestra activities were already thriving before the founding of the nation, laying the foundation for the establishment of the professional Chinese orchestra. In the mid-1950s, Chinese schools, trade unions, and amateur enthusiasts organised numerous Chinese orchestras. Some influential ones included the Ai Tong/Chongfu Schools Alumni Chinese Orchestra, Kangle Musical Study Society, Singapore Chinese Middle School Student Union and Singapore Chinese High Schools’ Graduates of 1953 Arts Association, as well as Hwa Chong Alumni Chinese Orchestra. The first Chinese orchestra in Singapore with a complete lineup was organised by the Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association in 1959.
In 1968, some musicians from the Central Cultural Committee Chinese Orchestra1 joined the newly established Chinese orchestra under the National Theatre Company. The People’s Association Chinese Orchestra, founded in the same year, was initially a performance unit under the People’s Association Cultural Troupe. After the National Theatre Chinese Orchestra disbanded in 1974, the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra took on the responsibility of promoting and popularising Chinese orchestral music. During this period, it also absorbed some members from the National Theatre Chinese Orchestra. Apart from People’s Association Chinese Orchestra, other active Chinese orchestra groups in the 1970s include Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra under the Ministry of Education and Singapore Broadcasting Corporation Chinese Orchestra (now City Chinese Orchestra).
The People’s Association Chinese Orchestra was led by various conductors, including Ma Wen (1937–2011), Ng Tai Kong (1943–2001), Li Xueling (1939–1989), Lim Tiap Guan (1939–1998), and Ku Lap Man (1935–2020), among others. By 1984, it had 32 members. After Ku Lap Man’s retirement, the orchestra, after having been renamed the SCO, subsequently hired Qu Chunquan in 1993. During his tenure, Qu actively encouraged Chinese orchestral composers to create their own works, and frequently chose to perform local compositions by Singaporean musicians within the Chinese orchestra repertoire.
In 1996, at the suggestion of then-Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, the SCO was established as the Singapore Chinese Orchestra Limited, expanding its roster from its original 32 members to 62. This made it the largest professional Chinese orchestra at the national level outside of China.
The following year, Chinese conductor Hu Bing Xu assumed the role of Music Director and Conductor. Under his leadership, the orchestra continued to attract outstanding musicians, contributing to its distinguished international reputation. By 2023, it had a total of 86 full-time musicians, including seasoned musicians from Singapore and abroad, as well as outstanding musical talents cultivated by various arts institutions worldwide.
In 2002, the SCO appointed musician Yeh Tsung, who was born in China and later resided in the United States, as its next Music Director. He relinquished the position in 2023 and assumed the role of Conductor Emeritus. Following Yeh, Quek Ling Kiong took on the role of Principal Conductor, becoming the first local-born Principal Conductor of the SCO. Quek led the SCO in acclaimed and well-received shows such as the Young Children’s Concert, Young People’s Concert, Mother’s Day Concert, Concert-in-Progress, and series of “Concert Seasons”.
The SCO has always embraced the philosophy of being “the people’s orchestra”, with the goal of using music to strengthen social cohesion. In its early days, its repertoire mainly consisted of classical masterpieces by composers from China, which gradually established the foundation of the orchestra. Today, its music events and cultural performances have evolved to appeal to both refined and popular tastes.
As the nation developed, the SCO began actively exploring its own identity. After 2002, under the leadership of Yeh, it embraced the Nanyang-style Chinese orchestra as its distinctive brand, contributing to Singapore’s unique and diverse multicultural landscape.
The SCO has organised multiple international Chinese orchestral composition competitions to encourage creative works and discover outstanding Nanyang-style compositions. Among them, some notable compositions include Wang Chenwei’s Sister Islands and Confluence; and Law Wai Lun’s Prince Sang Nila Utama and Singa and The First Man on the Sea, Zheng He.
Since its establishment, the SCO has also been invited to perform in various locations across Europe and Asia. In 1998, the orchestra embarked on its first tour in China, performing in Beijing, Shanghai, and Xiamen. Since then, it has been regularly invited to major international arts festivals and music events in China, presenting distinctive Chinese orchestra performances. In 2023, the SCO was invited to the China Shanghai International Arts Festival and presented the Nanyang Legends concert at the Shanghai Conservatory of Music’s Shangyin Opera House. The concert featured several representative works, including Legend of the Merlion, The Sword and the Scroll, Sea Road, and a special composition titled A La Shanghai Ren.
As for Europe, the SCO became the first Chinese orchestra to be invited to perform at the opening ceremony of the Edinburgh Festival in the United Kingdom in 2009. It has also embarked on two European tours in 2005 and 2019 respectively, allowing audiences in Germany, the Czech Republic, Italy, Greece, and more to appreciate its music, one that simultaneously embodies Nanyang characteristics and blends Eastern and Western styles.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, when physical concerts were suspended, the SCO pioneered online concert formats by launching a digital concert series. It included programmes like #DabaoSCO (Packaged Concerts), #CO101 (Chinese Orchestra 101), #roomformusic (Music for Homes), #HumanDiaries (Musicians’ Reflections), and the Virtuoso Series, which featured renowned musicians and masterpieces. Its members were encouraged to spontaneously share their works, fostering interaction between music enthusiasts and musicians. For instance, Composer-in-Residence Wang Chenwei’s composition, Confluence, was presented in the format of a virtual Chinese orchestra with dozens of musicians collaborating remotely, heralding a new mode of Chinese orchestral performance.
The journey from the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra to the SCO has spanned decades. As it expands its reach beyond Singapore to the global music scene, the SCO continues to explore its identity and establish a unique musical style.
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Temasek (or temasik, in Mandarin is Dan ma xi [淡马锡 or 单马锡]) is the ancient name for Singapore. There are different theories on how the term came about. Some suggest it originated from the Malay word tasik or tasek, meaning lake or sea. Others believe it has its roots in the Sanskrit word for gold, tamarasa. We can find references to “Temasek” and its variations in texts from the 14th to 17th centuries:
The names Long Ya Men (龙牙门), Ling Ya Men (凌牙门) and Long Ya Shan Men (龙牙山门) are other old references to Singapore. They appear in texts such as Zhufan zhi (A Description of Barbarian Nations) from the Southern Song dynasty; Daoyi Zhilüe from the Yuan dynasty; and Zhenghe hanghaitu, Yingya shenglan (The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores) and Yuanshi (History of Yuan)1 from the Ming dynasty.
Long Ya Men can refer to the island or straits. As an island name, it has also been associated with Indonesia’s Lingga Island. In Daoyi Zhilüe, Long Ya Men (“Dragon’s Teeth Gate” in Chinese) refers to two rocky “hills” on either side of a Temasek waterway — near Labrador Park and Fort Siloso today. One of those rocky outcrops was known as Batu Berlayar in Malay, and used by ancient sailors as an aid while navigating the narrow straits.
One of the oldest-known recorded names for Singapore was Pu Luo Zhong (蒲罗中, variously known as Pu Lu Zhong [蒲芦中], or simply Pu Luo [蒲罗]), which appeared in a third century Chinese text. Southeast Asian historian Hsu Yun Tsiao (1905–1981) writes in Malaiya shi (A History of Malaya, 1961) that “Pu Luo” is the Chinese transliteration of the Malay word pulau (island), and “Zhong” is the transliteration of ujong (“end”, or “cape”). This name dating back 1,700 years corresponded to “Pulau Ujong”, meaning “island at the end of the (Malay) peninsula”.
The travelogue Funan tusu (Observations on the customs of Funan), written by Wu State’s Kang Tai after his diplomatic missions to the South Seas during the Three Kingdoms Period (220–280), provides a description that closely corresponds to the geographical location of Pu Luo Zhong, now known as Singapore. Unfortunately, this book has been lost, although some of its contents can be found in the Taiping Yulan (Imperial Reader or Readings of the Taiping Era) and Tongdian (Comprehensive Statutes).
The 1986 text Gudai nanhai diming huishi (A Glossary of Names in the South Seas in Ancient Times) also contains Chinese and foreign records of ancient place names. Besides the ones mentioned earlier in this article, there are numerous other names related to Singapore — Pizong (Pisang), Mohexin zhou (Mahasin), Duomochang, Luoyue (Laut), Maliyu’er (Malayu), Changyao yu (Coney Islet, referring to Pulau Satumu), Xingjilipo (a transliteration of “Singapore”), and many more.
Historians have put considerable effort into studying these ancient names, with scholars such as Hsu Yun Tsiao, Jao Tsung-I (1917–2018), and Tan Yeok Seong (1903–1984) making significant contributions to our understanding of them.
Ini Indexs
The Speak Mandarin Campaign was launched in 1979 by Singapore’s then-Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew.1 The country’s early immigrants came from all over Asia, and ethnic Chinese from different backgrounds spoke different tongues and had different cultural practices. As a result, the campaign was launched in order to simplify the language environment for Chinese Singaporeans, foster better communication between the Chinese communities, as well as create an environment conducive for the bilingual education policy. It encouraged Chinese Singaporeans to use Mandarin more in their daily lives, and aimed to enhance people’s understanding of Singapore Chinese culture.
The Speak Mandarin Campaign has gone through three major phases of development. The first, from 1979 to 1981, was aimed at the Chinese community at large. The second phase started in 1982, when the campaign began to show results, and it was about encouraging Chinese Singaporeans from all walks of life to speak Mandarin more and, through Mandarin, appreciate the richness of Chinese culture. Later, as more and more Chinese Singaporeans adopted English as their primary language of communication, the Speak Mandarin Campaign reached an important turning point in 1994. It entered its third phase, where it began focusing on encouraging English-educated Chinese Singaporeans to use Mandarin in their daily lives. Today, the Speak Mandarin Campaign continues to evolve. Besides encouraging Singaporeans to make Mandarin a part of their everyday life, it also seeks to preserve the vibrancy and uniqueness of Singapore Mandarin.
The Speak Mandarin Campaign was launched by the government with two main objectives: first, to have a common language of communication for ethnic Chinese people who spoke different dialects; second, to encourage Singaporeans to master their mother tongue and pass on Chinese culture to future generations. At the time, the Chinese in Singapore were still mainly using Chinese dialects in their daily lives. Schools had already implemented a bilingual education policy with English as the first language and Mandarin as the second language. Lee believed that if Chinese Singaporeans continued to speak primarily in dialects, they might not see the need to learn Mandarin, and this would not be conducive to the implementation of the bilingual education policy. With this in mind, the Government launched the Speak Mandarin Campaign on 7 September 1979. The Parliamentary Secretary in the Ministry of Culture at that time, Dr Ow Chin Hock, was appointed as the first Chairman of the Committee to Promote Use of Mandarin (later known as the Promote Mandarin Council).2
The early days of the campaign drew active participation from various Chinese community organisations. Forming the Committee to Promote Use of Mandarin, they furthered the campaign’s goals in an organised way. Government departments introduced various measures too, for example encouraging that civil servants speak in Mandarin rather than dialects during their daily conversations.
The government also started to phase out dialect programmes on radio and television. The first to go were dialect advertisements on television in July 1978. This was followed by the launch of the first Mandarin-dubbed Hong Kong drama series Yi Tian Tu Long Ji (Heaven Sword and Dragon Sabre) at the end of October 1979, and a complete ban on dialect television programmes in 1981. Radio also stopped broadcasting dialect programmes from 1 January 1983.
The Speak Mandarin Campaign was launched with a long-term goal in mind: for all Chinese Singaporean students to use dialects less and speak Mandarin more within five years, and for Mandarin to replace Chinese dialects as the language of everyday speech within 10 years. To achieve this, the campaign has focused on different venues and groups each year, for example, encouraging the use of Mandarin in the workplace in 1982, and focusing on hawker centres and wet markets in 1983.
The Speak Mandarin Campaign has also explored different avenues to encourage people to speak Mandarin, for example, organised Mandarin classes at community centres, recorded Chinese courses on cassette tapes for sale, and organised Chinese storytelling and recitation competitions. The Government also regularly broadcasted promotional clips and advertising jingles for the campaign on TV and radio, encouraging people to speak Mandarin more. The TV stations, RTS then later SBC, also produced local TV dramas in Mandarin, providing more options for viewers of Mandarin programmes. From 1 January 1981, Singapore’s Ministry of Education schools started to address ethnic Chinese students by the Hanyu Pinyin versions of the names on their birth certificates. The Accounting and Corporate Regulatory Authority also encouraged companies to use Hanyu Pinyin names when registering.
A survey by the Government 10 years after the launch of the Speak Mandarin Campaign offered indications of success. According to Primary One registration data that year, the proportion of ethnic Chinese students who mainly spoke Mandarin at home had increased from 26% in 1980 to 69% in 1989, while the proportion of primary students from predominantly dialect-speaking families dropped sharply from 64% to 7%.
After 15 years, the Speak Mandarin Campaign reached an important turning point in 1994. As increasingly high numbers of Chinese Singaporeans used English as their primary language of communication, the Government saw the need to target English-educated Chinese Singaporeans in its efforts to promote the use of Mandarin.
Since then, in order to boost the appeal of the campaign among the younger generation, Promote Mandarin Council began to organise a series of activities, such as xinyao (Mandarin songs composed and performed by youths in Singapore) music events, storytelling competitions, concerts, variety shows on television, and made extensive use of online resources and games. In 2004, the Speak Mandarin Campaign launched its first bilingual slogan Huayu Cool (Mandarin Cool). Entering the 21st century, the Speak Mandarin Campaign also started actively employing new media and technologies to create a more favourable environment for the learning of Mandarin.
In recent years, the Speak Mandarin Campaign has been focusing on encouraging Singaporeans to use Mandarin more in their daily lives, as well as enhancing people’s understanding of Singapore Chinese culture. Since 2019, it has used the slogan “Speak Mandarin? Yes, I Can.” to encourage Singaporeans to persevere in learning Mandarin and speaking it.
The linguistic environment of the Chinese community in Singapore has undergone a rapid transformation over the past few decades, with the launch of the Speak Mandarin Campaign, and Mandarin replacing Chinese dialects. However, while the campaign has popularised the use of Mandarin, English has also quickly become the dominant language in Chinese homes in Singapore. This has presented new challenges for the campaign.
In view of this, promoting Mandarin solely through the Speak Mandarin Campaign is not enough. In recent years, the government has also encouraged parents to take an active role in helping their children master their mother tongue, so that Mandarin continues to be a part of the daily lives of Chinese Singaporeans — including those from the younger generation.
Ini Indexs
In the early days, live performances were the main form of entertainment for the Chinese community in Singapore, though they were subject to the constraints of time and space. After American scientist Thomas Alva Edision (1847–1931) invented the cylinder phonograph in 1887, many others continued to study and develop it, before German-American inventor Emile Berliner (1851–1929) eventually improved it into the modern gramophone that we know today. This development completely revolutionised the transmission of sound in human history. Combined with modern recording technology, songs and music that were once transient in nature could now be preserved and even mass-produced for sale.
The arrival of gramophones and music records in the early 1900s brought the Chinese community in Singapore unprecedented auditory experiences and a brand-new mode of entertainment. Over the next few decades, records became popular music products and found their way into the homes of ordinary people. As such, tracing the history of gramophones and records in Singapore is one way of looking into the cultural life of the local Chinese community in the last century.
Music records made in different languages were available in Singapore since the early 20th century. Given the diverse composition of the local Chinese community – which included many different dialect groups such as Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hainanese, and Hakka – it made sense for record companies to produce a variety of traditional music or popular songs in various dialects to cater to as many communities as possible to maximise sales. Mandarin records, specifically, came into dominance only after Singapore’s independence, as Mandarin gradually became the standardised language of the Chinese community. At the same time, records made in other Chinese dialects dwindled.
In the first half of the 20th century, gramophones and records distributed in Singapore were mainly from international record companies in America and Europe, such as the Gramophone Company from the United Kingdom and Beka Records from Germany. By the 1920s and 1930s, two Chinese-owned companies – Hong Kong’s New Moon Gramophone Company and Shanghai’s Great China Records – also started distributing their records to Singapore. Even though Singapore had no record companies of its own in this period, many local professional opera troupes and amateur groups were already making records by invitation from these foreign companies.1
The outbreak of World War II sparked the ethnic consciousness of Chinese communities around the world. In response, Singapore also began selling Chinese records with anti-war sentiments. During the Japanese Occupation, imports of records into Singapore were halted. While entertainment was not at the top of people’s minds, the Japanese army decided to fill the gap in the market anyway by using unreleased recordings previously made in Shanghai to produce and sell records under the Sun label.2
The post-war 1950s was when Singapore’s homegrown record industry began to sprout. Record companies of all sizes, such as Ngee Fat Gramophone House, sprung up across the island. Many local singers, professional and amateur ones alike, also involved themselves in the business of producing records. The local record industry gradually transitioned from relying on imported records and acting as agents to becoming independent players. It was now capable of recording, producing, and packaging its own products.3
The 1950s and 1960s were an important, thriving period in the development of Chinese popular culture in Singapore. As a major form of media, music records interacted with other cultural forms such as Chinese opera, movies, and getai performances. For example, the market for Chinese opera film soundtracks saw a boom when a “Chinese opera film wave” was sparked by a series of Chinese opera movies imported from Hong Kong, including Butterfly Lovers (1954) and Sixth Madam Su (1960). At the same time, many artists and performance groups who were making records — including Seong Koon Low Won (1922–2002), Eng Yean Opera Troupe,4 and Wang Sha and Ye Feng5— frequently gave live performances in venues like amusement parks, cabarets, and theatres too.
In 1963, Television Singapura, Singapore’s first television station, was officially launched. The advent of the television era did not merely change Singapore’s entertainment ecosystem – it also opened a new chapter in the development of the local record industry. Televised Chinese opera performances and singing competitions organised by the television station often boosted sales of related records and promoted growth in the industry.
Cantonese vinyl record Yueyu xiaoqu (Cantonese folk tunes) produced by Horse Brand Records, 1965. National Museum of Singapore Collection, courtesy of National Heritage Board.
The development of the record industry and recording technology since the early 20th century has had a significant impact on the transmission of sound and the entertainment landscape. However, the local recording industry gradually lost its steam by the 1970s as music preferences shifted, pirated records proliferated, and new entertainment venues emerged, all affecting the record market and entertainment ecosystem in profound ways. Many recording artists responded to the changing times by transitioning to other fields, such as television and getai, to sustain their career in entertainment and continue contributing to the development of pop culture in Singapore.
Ini Indexs
In addition to Mandarin, various dialects are commonly spoken by Chinese Singaporeans. These are different from Mandarin, having developed in different regions in China.
The dialects of Singapore’s Chinese community are diverse and complex, with the five main dialects and their respective dialect groups (Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka, Hainan) being the most prominent, alongside other dialects such as Henghua (Henghwa, Hinghwa) and Shanghainese. In the early years, Chinese immigrants from southern China settled in groups based on their place of origin in China. This led to the formation of various local communities where different dialects were spoken. It has been pointed out that, “From the very beginning, the Chinese population was not a united one. It was divided into disparate groups distinguished not only by the dialects they spoke, but also by the locations where they congregated, worked and lived.”1
For example, the Hokkien people from the Minnan region typically use the Hokkien dialect; Teochew speakers, originating from the eastern part of Guangdong, use Teochew dialect; and Cantonese is spoken by the Cantonese people from the Pearl River Delta area. Sociologists have described this phenomenon as the Dialect Group Classification Rule.2
Colloquial expressions from Hokkien often find their way into everyday conversations in Singapore, making it a prominent dialect that transcends community boundaries.
Using population census data gathered over several years, it is possible to trace the population proportions of various dialect groups (see Table 1). In the early days, despite sharing cultural traditions, Chinese people speaking different dialects often found it hard to communicate effectively with one another. They also observed different customs, which led to strong dialect group identities.
The start of the government’s Speak Mandarin Campaign in 1979, which had slogans such as “Speak more Mandarin and less dialects”, contributed to the decline of dialect usage in Singapore. After the campaign was initiated, the use of dialects in broadcasting was restricted. This, along with the country’s education bilingual policy, weakened the sense of identity within dialect groups. Dialects eventually became something used primarily by the older generation, as younger people lacked a conducive environment to learn them.
Population censuses conducted after 1980 continued to collect data on people’s dialect groups. This data does not necessarily indicate proficiency in a particular dialect.
Table 1: Proportion of Chinese dialect groups in the population from 1881 to 2020 (%)
| Dialect Groups | 1881 | 1931 | 1947 | 1957 | 1970 | 1980 | 2010 | 2020 |
| Hokkien | 28.8 | 43 | 39.6 | 40.6 | 42.2 | 43.1 | 40.0 | 39.3 |
| Teochew | 26.1 | 19.7 | 21.6 | 22.5 | 22.4 | 22.0 | 20.1 | 19.4 |
| Cantonese | 17.1 | 22.5 | 21.6 | 18.9 | 17 | 16.5 | 14.6 | 14.3 |
| Hainan | 9.6 | 4.7 | 7.1 | 7.2 | 7.3 | 7.1 | 6.4 | 6.1 |
| Hakka | 7.1 | 4.6 | 5.5 | 6.7 | 7.0 | 7.4 | 8.3 | 8.6 |
| Others | 11.3 | 5.5 | 4.6 | 4.1 | 4.1 | 3.9 | 10.5 | 12.3 |
| Total | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 |
| Total Number of Chinese | 86, 000 | 418, 000 | 729, 000 | 1.09 million | 1.579 million | 1.856 million | 2.793 million | 3.006 million |
Source: Eddie Kuo and Luo Futeng, Diversity and Unity: Language and Society in Singapore, 6.
Dialects are not just tools for communication. They also serve as a bedrock for local Chinese culture and enable that culture to be transmitted. In traditional Chinese opera, folk songs, ditties, and theatrical performances make use of dialects — as do Hokkien gezai opera, Teochew opera, Hakka folk songs, and Cantonese opera.
As dialects decline in prominence, certain aspects of culture run the risk of fading away and being forgotten by younger generations. Members of the local community might have bemoaned the decline of dialects, but policymakers saw the presence of diverse Chinese dialects as an obstacle to forging a common identity among members of the young nation.
By the mid-20th century, as the number of Chinese immigrants swelled, the number of Chinese dialects spoken also increased to at least 12.3 Singapore’s founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (1923–2015) remarked, “Dialects were not only interfering with bilingual education, they were also dividing the Chinese community as those who spoke the same dialect tended to band together.”4
Today, Singapore’s bilingual education system encourages locals to learn a “mother tongue” — such as Mandarin, Malay, Tamil — in addition to mastering English. The government does not prohibit the learning and use of dialects.