Ini Indexs
In the early 19th century, various dialect groups within the Chinese community in Singapore established clan cemeteries to address the important issue of burials for their brethren who had died in a foreign land. Among the five major Chinese dialect groups in Singapore, the Hokkien-speaking community was the largest in terms of population and economic influence. According to records from the “Fu Mi Chun Qiu”(May Good Fortune spread through Spring and Autumn) plaque (1828) in Heng San Teng temple and the Heng San Teng Stele (1830), it can be inferred that the prominent See family from Malacca, led by See Hoot Kee (1793–1847),1had already worked together with several Hokkien clan leaders to establish the Heng San Ting in the Silat Road and Jalan Bukit Merah area. Heng San Teng, established by 1828, was the earliest Fujian clan cemetery in Singapore, and served as the main authority for the Hokkien community.
The existence of grave sites around Silat Road likely predates the official establishment of the Heng San Teng. In recent years, a research team led by Professor Kenneth Dean from the Department of Chinese Studies at the National University of Singapore discovered over 400 relocated graves in Bukit Brown Cemetery with inscriptions dating from the Qing dynasty. The earliest of these graves, the tomb of a man named Xie Guangze from Fujian, can be traced back to 1826 (or the 6th year of the Daoguang reign). This confirms that there were already a significant number of Fujian immigrants in Singapore during the early years of its founding, specifically during the Daoguang era (1821–1850).
Among these newly discovered Qing dynasty graves, the research team also found that some of the deceased individuals hailed from areas outside of Minnan (South Fujian) such as Putian and Fuzhou — in addition to inland areas of Minnan such as Anxi and Yongchun. The academic community had traditionally believed that the earliest Fujianese immigrants to Singapore mainly came from Zhangzhou and Quanzhou in Minnan, and that the Heng San Teng was established by individuals from these two prefectures, serving as the burial ground primarily for migrants from the area. However, these recent findings challenge this traditional understanding, and reflect that early immigrants came not only from Southern Fujian to Singapore, but also from other regions of Fujian. It appears that Heng San Teng served as the final resting place for a majority of immigrants from Fujian, as indicated by See Hoot Kee’s announcement in the Heng San Teng Reopening and Tomb Announcement Stele (1846): “In the future, all Fujian people who encounter unforeseen circumstances may be buried here.”
During the later decades of the 19th century, the Hokkien community’s population surged from 10,000 in 1848 to 30,000 in 1881, and even the combined new and old public cemeteries at the Heng San Teng were unable to meet the growing demand. As a result, Hokkien clan leaders started to acquire additional burial grounds. In 1885, they purchased Leng Kee Suah, and in 1895, they established Hokkien Lao Suah (the New Heng San Teng) as another burial ground for their clansmen. At the same time, various lineage organisations within the Hokkien community invested in separate surname cemeteries, such as Seh Ong Suah at Bukit Brown, Khoo Chan Cemetery in Silat Road, and Seh Wee Cemetery off Tiong Bahru Road. At this point, the expansion and development of Fujian clan public cemeteries in Singapore had reached its peak.
In the 20th century, the British colonial government and the post-independence government of Singapore gradually strengthened regulations on Chinese cemeteries and began to acquire cemetery land for urban redevelopment purposes. 2Hokkien clan leaders actively negotiated with the government, relocating ancient graves affected by land acquisition to other cemeteries like Lao Suah, Kopi Suah, and others. At the same time, leaders within the Hokkien community, including Lim Boon Keng (1869–1957) and Tan Kah Kee (1874–1961), vigorously advocated for changing the traditional funeral customs of elaborate burials and encouraged the public to abandon their old insular clan consciousness. They promoted the idea of burying the deceased in Bukit Brown Cemetery, a cemetery established by the Municipal Council in 1922 for Chinese people of all dialect groups. To some extent, these initiatives alleviated the predicaments of both unauthorised establishment of private cemeteries and the scarcity of burial sites.
From the 1970s, all Hokkien clan cemeteries were closed, with only portions of Lao Suah, Kopi Suah, and Bukit Brown Cemetery preserved today. Modern-day Singaporeans have transitioned from a clan-based identity to a national identity, and thus no longer insist on being buried in cemeteries specific to their dialect groups. As a result, Hokkien clan cemeteries have become historical relics.
Ini Indexs
The leaders of the Hokkien community in Singapore have had a long history of involvement in local charitable activities. Among them, the contributions of Tan Tock Seng (1798–1850) and his family, as well as Tan Kim Seng (1805–1864) have been particularly significant.
Tan Tock Seng Hospital, the second-largest acute care general hospital in Singapore today, was founded in 1844 by wealthy businessman Tan Tock Seng, the hospital’s sole proprietor.[1]
In the early 19th century, medical facilities in Singapore were not yet well-developed, and diseases plagued the impoverished population. According to a report in The Straits Times on 23 September 1845, there were 36,000 Chinese in Singapore at that time, and one-third of them lived in poverty. About 6,000 people went hungry every year, and over 100 died of starvation or illnesses on the streets.
Between 1843 and 1850, Tan Tock Seng, as a leader of the Hokkien community, provided 1,032 coffins at the cost of 1,073.03 Spanish dollars for those who had starved to death on the streets and had not had a proper burial. It was against this backdrop that Tan Tock Seng Hospital was established in Pearl Hill, beginning first as the Chinese Pauper Hospital. Tan Tock Seng took the lead in donating 7,000 Spanish dollars for its construction in 1844.
The hospital then relocated to Serangoon Road (now the site of Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital) in 1861, before moving on 21 April 1909 to its present location near Moulmein Road. In 2001, John Tan Jiew Hoe, the son of Robert Tan Hoon Siang (1909–1991) and fifth-generation descendant of Tan Tock Seng, donated S$100,000 to establish the Tan Tock Seng Hospital Heritage Museum in the hospital to showcase its history. Today, the hospital is a major general hospital. From poor and sick beggars in the 19th century, to present-day patients infected with HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) or other infectious diseases, Tan Tock Seng Hospital has long served groups that have been discriminated by society.
Born in Malacca, Tan Tock Seng had ancestral roots in Zhangzhou, Fujian. He was already financially stable when he came to Singapore in his early years. By the 1840s, he had become a major import and export merchant with commercial ships under his name, and business networks across Southeast Asia, Europe, India, and China.
His eldest son, Tan Kim Ching (1829–1892), expanded the scope of his father’s business — notably introducing Thai rice to the local market and reselling it abroad. He wielded significant social and political influence, and also inherited his father’s philanthropic spirit. He continued to provide money to renovate the pauper hospital, donating 3,000 Strait dollars for new medical equipment and wards. Following in his father’s footsteps, he became a prominent leader in the overseas Chinese community, and was invited to participate in the Legislative Council and the Municipal Commission to assist the British colonial government in planning and managing the development of Singapore.
In the early days of modern Singapore, people relied on wells for their daily water consumption, and water shortages were common. In November 1845, Tan Tock Seng proposed to the colonial government to build two water tanks for the convenience of the public. On 19 March 1846, the Singapore Free Press reported that he had made a joint donation with James Stephens (birth and death years unknown), a European merchant, to set up two water tanks at the Assembly Rooms (now Old Hill Street Police Station).
Ten years later, in 1857, Tan Kim Seng donated 13,000 Straits dollars to the government to develop Singapore’s first reservoir and public waterworks. Tan, a trader and property owner, was another eminent leader of the overseas Chinese community. He came from Malacca, had ancestral roots in Yongchun, Fujian. As a result of Tan Kim Seng’s donation, the people of Singapore enjoyed convenient access to clean water. To recognise his generous contribution, the government built the Tan Kim Seng Fountain in Fullerton Square in 1882. The fountain, which was later moved to Queen Elizabeth Walk, still stands at what is now the Esplanade Park today, bearing witness to the city’s development.
Tan Kim Seng was also passionate about education. He founded two important Hokkien free schools in Singapore, namely Chong Wen Ge (1849–) and Chui Eng Free School (Chui Eng Si E, 1854–1954).
Rising to prominence after him was businessman Tan Kah Kee (1874–1961), who was equally dedicated to education and charity work. The early Tao Nan School (1906–present), Ai Tong School (1912–present), and Chong Fook Girls’ School (now Chongfu School, 1915–present) were all testaments to his commitment to education. Furthermore, he personally led five disaster relief efforts, including raising funds for the 1961 Bukit Ho Swee fire in Singapore, and for flood relief in Tianjin, China as well as the Guangdong and Fujian provinces.
All in all, the philanthropic endeavours of these pioneers of the Hokkien community have been an indispensable part of Singapore’s development.
Ini Indexs
The first Chinese movie produced in Singapore was Xin Ke (The New Immigrant),1 a silent film.2 It was a collaborative effort involving Chinese people from different regions — financed and written by Liu Beijin (Low Poey Kim; 1902–1959), the son of Liu Zhuhou (1866–1922), a wealthy businessman from Muar, Malaysia; directed and shot by Guo Chao-Wen from Xiangshan, Guangdong, China; and starring Zheng Chao-Ren (1905–1983) from Hsinchu, Taiwan.
Production of Xin Ke began in 1926, and it premiered on 4 March 1927 at the Victoria Theatre. After a review by the colonial government, only six of the original nine reels were approved for release. Due to poor box office reception and a lack of funds, Singapore’s first film-making dream came to a halt.
Local film production did not resume until 1934. On March 27 that year, Indian director B. S. Rajhans’s (1903–1955) Malay sound film Leila Majnun premiered at the Marlborough Theatre on Beach Road. The film, starring famous bangsawan (Malay traditional opera) actors, was very popular in Malaya and India. Spotting a business opportunity, brothers Runme Shaw (1901–1985) and Run Run Shaw (1907–2014), who were operating movie theatres in many Southeast Asian locations at the time, decided to set up a studio in Jalan Ampas in 1937 to exclusively produce Malay sound films. From 1938 to 1941, the studio recruited the first generation of Chinese directors Hou Yao (1903–1942) and his female student Wan Hoi Ling (birth and death years unknown) to Singapore, where they co-directed eight Malay films from Chinese scripts translated into Malay. With the outbreak of World War II in 1942, local production stopped again.
Film production recovered rapidly after the war. In keeping with the zeitgeist, a slew of anti-Japanese works was released. New films in the Chinese language included the news-based feature Malayan Newsreel Collection (1945), the documentary film Glory of Malaya (1946),3 as well as drama films Blood and Tears of the Overseas Chinese (1946), Spirit of Overseas Chinese (1946), and Honour and Sin, also known as Miss Nanyang (1947), which were released by China Motion Film Picture Studio. Not wanting to be left behind, Shaw Brothers released Song of Singapore in 1946, a film about years of hardship in Singapore during the Japanese Occupation directed by Chinese director Wu Cun (1904–1972). Wu Cun went on to direct the Shaw Brothers’ Second Motherland (1947) and Hard Times (1947), two locally-themed Chinese films, before leaving Singapore. It was around this time that the post-war wave of local Chinese-language films came to an end.
The 25-year period from 1947 to 1972 is regarded as the golden age of Malay films in Singapore. The Shaw Brothers’ Malay Film Productions (MFP), and Cathay-Keris Films, which was jointly established by Loke Wan Tho (1915–1964) and Ho Ah Loke (1901–1982), produced nearly 300 films in total. Although films were in Malay, they involved collaboration between people from the three major local ethnic groups — Chinese producers, Indian directors,4 and Malay actors.
While Malay films were widespread, there were also many locally-produced Chinese-language movies, such as the Hokkien film Love Deep as The Sea (1954) and Lovesickness Sent from Afar (1955); the gezai film Taming of the Princess (1958), the Chinese-Malay bilingual film Sri Menanti (1958), and also the Chinese films Door of Prosperity (1959), My Love in Malaya (1963). The most high-profile of these was The Lion City (1960) written and directed by Yi Shui, who advocated the “Malayanisation of Chinese-language cinema”. Although the film was mainly in Chinese, it was interspersed with Cantonese, Malay, English and other languages. Doing so, Yi Shui put into practice the idea of “Malayanised Chinese-language cinema”, and received a warm response from the local box office.
After the separation of Singapore and Malaysia in the 1960s, the centre of Malay film production shifted north to Kuala Lumpur. The golden age of Malay films came to an end when Malay Film Productions and Cathay-Keris Films ceased operations in 1967 and 1972 respectively. However, Chinese-language filmmakers in Singapore continued to strive, producing six films in four years from 1974 to 1977: action film Ring of Fury (1974); Cantonese film The Two Nuts (1975); three Chinese films produced by the Zongyi Group: Crime Does Not Pay (1975), Hypocrite (1976), Two Sides of the Bridge (1976), and also Dream of the Red Chamber ’77 (1977) directed by Hong Kong director Yau Kong-Kin (1940–2013). Ring of Fury was banned due to content involving secret societies. Although it was re-edited, the two appeals were unsuccessful. It was not until 2005, when censorship standards became more lenient, that the ban was lifted.
In 1978, the Singapore-Philippines co-production They Call Her Cleopatra Wong was released. Afterwards, the loss of support from two big studios, coupled with factors such as the national economy, poor local box office performance, and the rise of television as the go-to form of entertainment, meant that film production ground to a halt yet again. It remained dormant for over a decade, and it wasn’t until 1991 that local film production resumed, this time with a radically different look.
Ini Indexs
Early Teochew immigrants who settled in Singapore had, over time, established many clan associations that were based on kinship or geographical location. These associations served various purposes, including fostering strong relationships, looking after the welfare of fellow clansmen, setting up schools, and promoting cultural heritage. This culture of forming clan associations stemmed from a strong affiliation with one’s clan identity and geographical origins, a sentiment prevalent in traditional Chinese societies.
Apart from Ngee Ann Kongsi, Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan, and the Teochew Federation, other geographical Teochew clan associations in Singapore today include the Teo Yeonh Huai Kuan (1925), Nanyang Pho Leng Hui Kuan (1940), Kityang Huay Kwan (1941), Huilai Countrymen Association (1948), Teo Ann Huay Kuan (1964), Theng Hai Huay Kuan (1965), and Rao Ping Association (1993). There are also numerous kinship-based clan organisations under the framework of these associations.
Ban See Soon Kongsi, the earliest locality-based organisation of Singapore’s Teochew community, set up to worship the sea goddess Mazu and support education. The exact year of its establishment is unknown, but it would have existed since at least 1826, because Yueh Hai Ching temple, the temple it manages, had already been built then. Prior to the 1980s, Ban See Soon Kongsi had been supporting the operation of Teochew schools in various ways, and had also awarded bursaries to students from poor Teochew families.
In 1845, prominent merchant Seah Eu Chin (1805–1883) rallied the representatives of Teochew immigrants from Haiyang and Chenghai counties to set up Ngee Ann Kun (as Ngee Ann Kongsi was then known). Besides religious activities and community-building work, the organisation raised funds to acquire land for communal cemeteries. Under the leadership of the Teochew elite, Ngee Ann Kun gradually became the power centre of the Teochew community.
Chui Huay Lim Club, the first Teochew social club founded in Southeast Asia, was also established in 1845. Although it was not a clan association, it functioned like an overarching Teochew community organisation. Former presidents and directors of the club were all leaders of various Teochew clan associations. As such, major agendas were often discussed and agreed upon within the club before formal meetings were held in the respective clan associations. In that sense, Chui Huay Lim Club had transcended its role as a social club to become a core organisation of symbolic significance to the Teochew community.
After the mid-19th century, four clan organisations — namely Hong Kuak Foon Yang Kongsi (1865, now Feng Guo Fen Yang Association), Teo Chew Kang Hay T’ng (1867), Teochew Sai Ho Association (1880), and Lee Clan Kongsi (1890) — were set up, independent of Ngee Ann Kun. In the early 20th century, newly-emerged Teochew elites, including Chua Tze Yong (1847–unknown), Tan Hoon Chew (birth and death years unknown), and Leow Chia Heng (1874–1931), founded Tuan Mong School and the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce (now the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry) in an attempt to create a new power centre. Soon after that, political differences led the Teochew community to split into two factions, one supporting the royalist camp and the other the revolutionaries in China.
In 1929, wealthy merchant Lim Nee Soon (1879–1936) took the lead in establishing the Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan. upon which Ngee Ann Kun agreed to revise its constitution to reorganise itself into a charitable institution and a trustee organisation for the Teochew community. The latter was then renamed Ngee Ann Kongsi and continued to manage the Teochew community’s work in education and charity. This restructuring was to have a profound and positive impact on the subsequent development of the community.
In 2012, the Teochew Federation was founded, which led to disagreements between Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan and Ngee Ann Kongsi, and it took some time before both parties reached a consensus. In 2017, the Kongsi requested the Huay Kuan to move out of Teochew Building in Tank Road, the property they had shared since 1963, so that it could be upgraded. The Huay Kuan insisted that it held the building’s property rights and declined to relocate. The renovation was repeatedly delayed as a result, and the dispute was resolved only in December 2023.
In the long history of their development, Teochew clan associations have had to go through phases of conflicts and adjustments, followed by reorganisation and consolidation, just like other local clan associations. Currently, most existing Teochew clan associations have undergone transformations that have transcended their traditional roles. They not only play a part in passing on Chinese values and promoting our unique local Chinese culture, but also contribute significantly to Singapore’s multiracial harmony, social welfare, and nation building. The tide of globalisation has also propelled major Teochew clan associations to expand their international presence and network by participating in and organising various cultural, academic, and commercial activities.
Ini Indexs
In Singapore, “Chinese-language films” or “Chinese films” are generally films in which Mandarin and Chinese dialects are the primary language. Due to the tendency for local films during the post-1990 period to feature a mix of several languages, parts spoken in English or Malay are also common in Chinese films.
In the 1990s, the Economic Development Board’s push to promote creative industries, including film, was an opportunity for local feature film production to get started again.1 Between 1991 and 1996, four films were released in Singapore: Medium Rare (1991), a Singapore-Australian co-produced English-language film adapted from the Toa Payoh ritual murders; Bugis Street (1995), a Singapore-Hong Kong co-produced transgender-themed multilingual film (mainly in English, with Cantonese and Mandarin) against the backdrop of Bugis Street before the area was redeveloped; Mee Pok Man (1995), a multilingual film (with Mandarin, English, Hokkien and Cantonese) that was entirely funded, written and directed by Eric Khoo, featuring prostitutes, pimps and noodle vendors against the backdrop of Housing and Development Board (HDB) estates; and Army Daze (1996) directed by Ong Keng Sen, a multilingual (mainly English with a mix of Malay, Mandarin and Hokkien) adaptation of the English-language stage play based on military life serving National Service in Singapore.
Of the four films, two were co-productions with foreign filmmakers, and two were truly local productions. These four films also broke away from the tradition of the previous era where Malay was the primary language in local films, switching instead to English, Mandarin, Chinese dialects, and a mix of Malay with other languages. This marked the start of an era of co-produced and multilingual local films. When we speak of the multilingual film era, “multilingual” has two meanings: first, it refers to films with a variety of spoken Singaporean languages; second, it refers to the period where Singapore produced films in different languages, including English, Malay, Chinese and Tamil. The bulk of those movies were Chinese-language films in which Chinese dialects, English or Malay were also spoken.
Eric Khoo’s Mee Pok Man was selected for the main competition category of the 19th Moscow International Film Festival in 1995, and his second feature film 12 Storeys competed in the Un Certain Regard section of the 50th Cannes Film Festival in 1997. He thus paved the way for non-mainstream local films to get their big break at international film festivals and target viewers of arthouse films around the world. In 1998, Money No Enough, directed by Tay Teck Lock and written by Jack Neo (who also starred in the film), portrayed Singaporeans’ pursuit of material life in a humorous way. It featured mainly Hokkien with a mix of Mandarin and English. Produced on a budget of S$850,000, it grossed S$5.8 million at the local box office, showing filmmakers the viability of producing films for the local market. Eric Khoo and Jack Neo, two filmmakers who started out in the 1990s, shone a light for the two major paths that would be taken by local productions: getting recognised at international film festivals for their artistic flair, or making it big in the local box office for their entertainment value.
Compared to films from other regions, Singapore films have had to contend with a small local market and relatively limited production budget. With these limitations, directors taking the film festival route create low-budget arthouse films that encourage the audience to engage more deeply with various issues in Singapore society. Directors taking the box office route opt for comedy and horror movies, which have obvious entertainment value, relatively low production costs, and can resonate easily with local audiences. Aside from Eric Khoo, auteurs who have gone down the film festival route include Royston Tan, Boo Junfeng, Anthony Chen and Chris Yeo Siew Hua. At these festivals, members of the overseas film industry, including those from China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, get to see non-mainstream Singaporean Chinese-language films. However, with the exception of Royston Tan’s 881 (2007) and Anthony Chen’s Ilo Ilo (2013), which were both critically and commercially successful, most of these films failed at the box office due to limited appreciation for arthouse films in Singapore. Besides Jack Neo, other directors with films known for their entertainment factor are Kelvin Tong, Kelvin Sng, Michelle Chong and Gilbert Chan, whose genre films have crossed the $1 million mark at the Singapore box office.
International co-production is another route. Since Medium Rare and Bugis Street, with the encouragement and support of the Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA) and its predecessor, local filmmakers have been co-producing films with foreign filmmakers. 2000AD (2000), The Eye (2002), Turn Left, Turn Right (2003), Infernal Affairs II (2003) and Painted Skin (2008) were all Chinese-language co-productions with Hong Kong or China filmmakers with budgets exceeding $1 million. Led by foreign teams, these co-productions might not have had a strong Singaporean flavour. Nonetheless, they gave local filmmakers the opportunity to work on Hong Kong or China genre productions that were more expensive to make, and network with experienced filmmakers.
In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, Singapore has released a number of Chinese-language co-productions led by local directors and supported by the IMDA: Ajoomma (2022) directed by He Shuming, a co-production between Singapore and South Korea; Tomorrow Is a Long Time (2023) directed by Jow Zhi Wei, a co-production between Singapore, Taiwan, France and Portugal; Dreaming & Dying (2023) directed by Nelson Yeo, a co-production between Singapore and Indonesia; and The Breaking Ice (2023) directed by Anthony Chen, a co-production between Singapore and China. These co-productions not only allow local and foreign filmmakers to collaborate, but also allow these artistic works to enter another country’s film market directly.
After producing no fewer than 10 films in 2005, local full-length feature film production has been able to maintain its annual output of 10 to 30 films, except for a drop to eight in 2020 due to the impact of COVID-19.2 This is in sharp contrast to the intermittent production situation of the previous era.
Singapore’s arthouse films, genre films and co-productions present multi-layered, multifaceted perspectives of Singapore to local and overseas audiences with varying tastes. The films’ production budgets may be limited, but the mix of languages, presentation of Chinese culture in a multi-racial environment, and focus on particular social issues make them distinct from films produced elsewhere. For an industry that relaunched itself less than 30 years ago, this can be considered a good start.
Ini Indexs
In the Chinese community, the seventh month of the lunar calendar is known by various names, such as zhongyuan (the birthday of the Earth Official, who absolves all sins), yulan (Ullambana Festival), pudu (seeking salvation for the dead), guijie (Ghost Festival), and qiyueban (middle of the seventh month). Beyond the Chinese-speaking world, it is also known as Hungry Ghost Festival, Feast of the Dead, or Feast of the Evil Spirits in English; Obon in Japanese; and Sembayang Hantu in Malay. Community-based ceremonies for the Zhong Yuan Festival span the entire lunar month, while families generally carry out rituals on the 15th or 16th day.
From an institutional perspective (i.e. imperial state, family clans, religious groups), the Zhong Yuan Festival has four different traditions:
Both Buddhist and Taoist traditions use the collective power of religion to help commoners with reincarnating souls that otherwise cannot be salvaged. Whether from the perspective of the imperial state, family clans, or religious groups, the core of the Zhong Yuan Festival is the worship of neglected ghosts, gods, and ancestors, or wandering spirits of those who had died a tragic death and have nowhere to go.
From a cultural perspective, the Zhong Yuan Festival during the Ming and Qing dynasties had three distinctive features:
In other words, the Zhong Yuan Festival was made up of three components: honouring ancestors as an act of filial piety, holding religious ceremonies to redeem wandering souls, and partaking in festive activities like performances.
To the overseas Chinese community, the Zhong Yuan Festival has a greater significance than the Qing Ming (Tomb-Sweeping Day) and Chong Yang (Double Ninth Festival) festivals. While the latter two are observed purely for ancestral worship, the Zhong Yuan festival as observed in Singapore since the late-19th century is not only an important religious event, but has assumed its own cultural characteristics as well. As Chinese immigrants settled in Singapore, they began to perform rites during Zhong Yuan to salvage and appease wandering spirits in order to maintain peace in society. In this way, the observation of Zhong Yuan was simultaneously a service to the living.
Today, Chinese across Singapore have a tradition of observing Zhong Yuan as immigrant societies share a common fear of the dead and thus place emphasis on the salvaging of souls and blessing of the living. Even their religious ceremonies include the performance of various rituals to bless the living.
From the mid-20th century onwards, the Zhong Yuan Festival in Singapore gradually transformed from a ritualised festival of worship into a more secularised event with an element of entertainment.3Activities like modern getai performances and entertainment feasts were introduced, and have arguably become more important than salvation rituals.4
The Singapore Zhong Yuan is commonly known as “Qingzhan Zhong Yuan” (Celebrating Zhong Yuan Festival). The organisation and scale of Zhong Yuan activities have varied across different time periods due to changes in Singapore’s macro environment. From the burning of paper offerings at the roadsides to rituals held in housing estates, shopping streets, and hawker centres, some events involve only members of specific organisations, while others include religious ceremonies accompanied by Chinese operas or getai performances. But regardless of whether the festival is being observed for religious or entertainment purposes, and whether it is targeted towards honouring ancestral or wandering spirits, enjoyment and salvation are the two fundamental elements of Zhong Yuan Festival activities.
In his study of Zhong Yuan activities in Singapore, Japanese historian Kani Hiroaki pointed out that a typical Zhong Yuan ceremony consists of:
He also noted that the banquets and auctions, in particular, were very important to the Chinese community. As he explained, “Even though the Zhong Yuan Festival is an event dedicated to the departed, it holds a strong meaning for the living. This is in line with the traditional Chinese belief of praying for benefits to one’s present life.”6
Whether the rituals are carried out by families, communities, or temples, the Zhong Yuan Festival does not merely serve wandering spirits. Its feasts and festivities are a reflection of the Chinese community’s filial piety towards its ancestors, compassion for wandering souls, and sense of camaraderie with its people.7
Ini Indexs
Hokkien music in Singapore refers to music sung in the Hokkien vernacular. It is generally categorised as two types, traditional music, and modern (modeng) or popular (liuxing) Hokkien music.
The term “Hokkien” is widely accepted and used to refer to migrants from south Fujian in China, or their descendants.1 The prominence of the Hokkien group in the surrounding region, including China, Taiwan and modern Southeast Asia, has led to scholarly studies dating back to the 19th century.2 A number of Romanised terms, such as “South Fukienese” and “Hokkienese”, emerged as a result.3 The labels for Hokkien music also vary depending on temporal and spatial factors, the most commonly used being Hokkien or Fujian songs (Fujian ge) and others include Amoy songs (Xiayu ge or Xiaqu) and Minnan songs (Minnan ge or Minnan yu gequ). These terms, especially the latter two, denote trends usually pertaining to a specific time frame.
The most enduring example of traditional Hokkien music is nanyin (southern music). It is also known as nanguan (southern pipes) and sometimes spelt as namkuan (a transliterated Hokkien term) or nanyue (southern music) — a term sometimes found in old newspapers in Singapore. Other names for nanyin include xianguan, nanqu, nanci, and langjunchang.4
Nanyin’s origins can be traced back to the early Ming dynasty around the 14th century.5 It is a form of ensemble music comprising “traditional songs and instrumental repertoire” with three main categories: vocal suites (zhi), individual songs (qu), and instrumental suites (pu).6 Its main musical instruments include pipa (four-string plucked lute), sanxian (three-string plucked lute), dongxiao (vertical end-blown flute), and erxian (two-string bowed lute). There is also the five-piece wooden clapper, known as paiban, that denotes the beats of each metric cycle. Nanyin’s musical characteristics, including its notation, formal musical structure, and repertoire, are said to be distinct from other “silk and bamboo” (sizhu) instrumental ensemble music prevalent in neighbouring regions like Guangdong and Chaozhou.7
“Wherever there are Hokkiens, there are nanguan organisations”, said nanguan musician Yang Chaochang (1922–1993), who emphasised the importance of nanyin in the everyday life of Hokkiens.8 Although performed by members of the upper class in imperial China, nanyin became a significant part of the lives of Hokkien migrants who settled in Singapore.9 To them, nanyin was seen as the music of their hometown (xiangyin). In its early days, when there were no nanyin associations established in Singapore, migrants — mostly from Jinjiang county — gathered at coolie houses (gulijian or kuliking in Hokkien) to sing nanyin. Some brought their own pipa or asked their compatriots back in Quanzhou to bring more musical instruments and music scores so that they could sing to their hearts’ content.10
Some of these migrants became the founders of nanyin associations such as Heng Yun Ge, believed to have been established in the early 20th century.11 In its early years, Heng Yun Ge performed mostly behind closed doors on the feast days of deities, such as Guanyin, as well as Chinese festive celebrations such as the Lantern Festival. Later, they would perform publicly, such as Thian Hock Keng temple, which would attract flocks of Hokkiens.
To the Hokkiens, Nanyin also played a significant role at the end of a person’s life. Although ensemble music is typically reserved for deceased nanyin musicians during their funerals, families of older Hokkien folks would sometimes request that nanyin musicians perform during the funerals of their loved ones.12
From the early to mid-20th century, nanyin was considered the most popular form of Hokkien music entertainment, as seen in the founding of various nanyin associations such as Jin Hua Ge in the 1930s, Yun Lu Nanyin Society around 1937, Siong Leng Musical Association in 1941, and Chuan Sing Musical Society in 1961.13 Various Hokkien associations also established their own nanyin departments, including Anhai Association during the 1940s and 1950s, and later Chin Kang Huay Kuan in 1978.14
Besides the establishment of nanyin associations and music clubs, performance sites and broadcasting platforms also played an important role in disseminating nanyin to the general public. From the 1930s, newspapers like the Singapore Free Press served as advertisements for radio news. For instance, in the early 1940s, broadcasting stations ZHL, ZHP1 and ZHP2 were reported to have featured “Hokkien Namkuan Selections”.15 Nanyang Siang Pau later reported that the Malaya Broadcasting Station had invited the Teo Clan Association and Siong Leng Musical Association to perform and broadcast nanyue in 1948 and 1954 respectively. Rediffusion, Singapore’s first cable-transmitted commercial radio station, also joined in the broadcasting of nanyue in the 1950s.16 Amusement parks such as Happy World invited nanyin groups like Nanyue lianyou she and Siong Leng Musical Association to perform as well.
The end of the Second World War (1942–1945) would later affect the development of Hokkien music in Singapore in various ways. First, close connections with mainland China were disrupted, preventing nanyin musicians and teachers – who usually came from the same hometowns as Hokkien migrants in Singapore – from entering the country. Second, it gave rise to the production of Amoy-dialect films, which was closely associated with nanyin in its early years. Nanyin melodies were often featured in these films, with nanyin performers involved in the soundtracks. One classic example was The Lychee and the Mirror in 1953, which featured actress Jiang Fan, a nanyin performer herself. The movie was publicised in Sin Chew Daily, which stated that the soundtrack was a nanyue production that featured nanguan ballads. Several such films that Jiang starred in became known as “nanyin movies”.17
The mid-20th century was also a period of great transition for Singapore, both politically and culturally. Cut off from their motherland in mainland China during the Cold War era, Hokkien migrants in Singapore had to look elsewhere for musical entertainment, mainly “Little Fujian” in Hong Kong, as well as Taiwan, and the Philippines.18 The concept of a cosmopolitan city with modern tastes for both theatrical and musical entertainment was also emerging locally, leading to the decline in popularity of traditional nanyin in Amoy-dialect films in the first half of the 1950s in favour of more modern Hokkien music.19 The term “Amoy” then became synonymous with modern Hokkien music for a short period. Ironically, this term did not encompass music produced in Amoy or Xiamen, as China was cut off from the rest of the world that belonged to the capitalist camp and feared the spread of communism.20 At that time, Amoy music came to be regarded as the main form of entertainment in the “Greater Hokkien” areas outside Mainland China, including Singapore.
The evolution of nanyin influence can also be observed in traditional Hokkien theatre in Singapore. During the late 19th to early 20th century, nanyin and traditional Hokkien theatre were regarded as “blood and flesh”, an indication of its close relationship.21 In Singapore, nanguan or nanyin was also prevalent in Liyuan opera, Gaojia (or Kaoka opera), glove puppet theatre (potehi in Hokkien), and string puppet theatre.
As early as 1936, Fu Quan Xing, a Hokkien opera troupe from Malaya, transitioned from its musical roots in nanguan to re-establish itself as a gezai opera troupe. Renamed Sin Sai Hong, the famous Hokkien opera troupe in Singapore existed till the 21st century.22 Lee Chye Ee of the Jit Guat Sin puppet troupe also observed the proliferation of gezai and the decline in popularity of nanguan music, eventually forming See Yah Hui, a troupe that also sang in the gezai opera style.23
The musical style in Hokkien theatre in Singapore thus transitioned from a theatrical form that placed emphasis on labelled melodies to one that focused more on improvised tunes, as in the gezai tradition. Among these tunes, the most classical is the “seven-character tune”, comprising four lines with seven characters in each line.
This craze for gezai opera performances was further heightened by the production of gramophone records specifically dedicated to this genre, including the Romance of Gratitude and Avenge, Female Prince-Consort and Three Investigations of the Butterfly Dream by Justice Bao performed by Sin Kee Lin Hokkien Opera Troupe and released by Tang Nah Ah Company, a well-known record company then located at Hill Street.24
In fact, the concept of “modern Hokkien songs” in Singapore was said to have begun with Eng Ean Hokkien Opera Troupe, who was reported to have recorded “the first gramophone records of modern Hokkien music…in Singapore” in 1950. Releasing a total of 62 songs, they also featured music from other cultures, including hit songs from Japanese film Shina No Yoru and popular Malay songs “Terang Bulan” and “Bengawan Solo”.25 Other record companies similarly jumped at the opportunity. For instance, a record company named Parlophone invited members of Eng Ean, including the Lim sisters Eng Eng and Ean Ean, Lin Zhong Zhong, Fang Jing, Chen Yuquan, and Xue Mali to record popular or modern Hokkien songs.26
In the late 1970s, the attempt to restore nanyin to its former glory as mainstream Hokkien entertainment in Singapore was spearheaded by Teng Mah Seng (1915–1992), one of the pioneers of Siong Leng Musical Association. However, this proved challenging with the proliferation of popular Hokkien music, along with competition from other music genres such as Cantopop and Western pop music.
In the 1980s and 1990s, despite the ban on dialects in mainstream TV and radio stations, Hokkien pop continued to receive attention from the local audience in Singapore. Hokkien pop lovers were reported to visit nightspots such as karaoke lounges or purchase cassette tapes recorded in Taiwan and Singapore, with songs such as “Let’s have a Toast” (Gan ji bue) becoming very popular. The main reason for the fad was that “Hokkien lyrics related more to their lives, and love, happiness, and sadness are described explicitly”,27 according to an article in The Straits Times.
Taiwanese Hokkien entertainment also had a great influence on students and adults in Singapore, inspiring their passion for “new-wave Hokkien pop”. Taiwanese publications served to inform Hokkien pop fans of the latest music trends, and record companies such as Suwah Records even organised lunchtime concerts by popular singers from Taiwan like Lee Mao San and Lo Shi-fong at factories. This was because factory and blue-collar workers were one of the biggest buyers of Hokkien music cassettes.28
Singapore Hokkien music has undergone a dramatic transition, from traditional Nanyin in the beginning to Amoy songs during the Cold War period, its development was closely related to the regional political and social trends. In terms of cultural transmission, modern or contemporary Hokkien songs and Gezai opera are mostly influenced by Taiwan and this phenomenon has continued from the late 20th century up to the present day.
Ini Indexs
Originating from the ancient music of the Tang and Song dynasties in the central plains of China, Teochew music was brought to the Chaoshan region by the aristocratic clans (shizu) from the central plains. During its development, it interacted and merged with various local opera and folk music styles such as Kun opera, Waijiang Opera, also known as Han opera,1 and Zhengzi Opera. Throughout its development, it retained the simple, elegant characteristics of ancient Central Plains music. During the late Qing dynasty, with the migration of the Teochews, Teochew music spread to Southeast Asia, including Singapore.2
Singapore Teochew music includes not only the singing of opera and the chanting of funeral scriptures in charitable halls during funerals, but also instrumental music performances, and the playing of gongs and drums in parades. Teochew music can be broadly categorised into outdoor and indoor music, according to where it is performed. Outdoor music includes Teochew flower lantern drum and gong ensemble (Chaozhou huadeng luogu), dua low koh (da luogu), eight-tone drumming (bayin luogu), Waijiang gong and drum, and the small drum. Indoor music includes Teochew string music (Chaozhou xianshiyue), ancient flute music (ditao guyue), and chamber music (xiyue).
Teochew music is traditionally notated using the two-four system tablature (ersi pu), a unique, ancient form of musical notation. The distinct character of Teochew music is derived from its unique tonal system, with emphasis on the seventh and fourth notes, as well as special scales like the zhongsanliu mode (zhongsanliu diao) and the qingsanliu mode (qingsanliu diao). Teochew music’s core melodies become more varied and expressive through techniques such as adding and subtracting musical notes, embellishments, and variations.3
Teochew string music primarily consists of the erxian, a bowed instrument with two strings; the yehu, a coconut-shell bowed string instrument; the pipa, a Chinese lute; the guzheng, a Chinese plucked zither; the sanxian, a three-stringed Chinese lute; the dayehu, a large coconut-shell bowed-string instrument; and the ruan, a Chinese lute with four strings.
In larger ensembles, percussionists playing wooden clappers and other small percussion instruments may be added. One of the most famous repertoires in Teochew chamber music is the Chaozhou xianshi shi da tao (Ten Suites of Teochew Chamber Music), which includes Jingshang tianhua (Adding Flowers on the Brocade), Pingsha luoyan (Wild Geese Descending on the Sandbank), Fengqiu huang (Courtship), Zhaojun yuan (Lady Zhaojun’s Lament), Hanya xishui (Jackdaws Playing in the Water), Xiao taohong (Little Peach Red), Yue’er gao (High Moon), Yu lianhuan (Jade Interlocking Rings), Huangli ci (Oriole Lyrics), and Da baban (Grand Eight Beats).
Teochew opera and Teochew music are closely intertwined. Teochew opera uses a labelled melody (qupai) to compose scripts, and Teochew opera’s traditional labelled melody plays an important role in Teochew music. Some important labelled melodies include Shanpo yang (Mountain Sheep), Zaoluo pao (Black Robe), Meng hudie (Butterfly Dream), and Shiliu hua (Pomegranate Flower).
Teochew opera orchestras are divided into two forms of musical expressions called wenpan and wupan. Wenpan primarily consists of melodic instrumental ensembles from string music, while wupan consists of percussion instruments like gongs and drums, accompanied by wind instruments such as the suona and large flutes.4
Before Singapore’s independence, there were four active amateur Teochew music societies, the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association, founded in 1912, the Lak Aik Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association, founded in 1929, the Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association, founded in 1932, and the Chenh Hua Amateur Musical Association, founded in 1935. Among them, the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association, established by Teochew businessman Chen Zili (unknown–1943), was the first Teochew music society in Singapore.
Chen had previously organised music societies in his hometown, and was proficient in various musical instruments, particularly the guqin, a traditional Chinese zither-like instrument. He was passionate about Waijiang opera (Han opera) which was popular among the Teochew literati. After coming to Singapore, he gathered like-minded individuals at his shop on Keng Chew Street (Keng Cheow Street), where they studied Waijiang opera music together. This led to the establishment of the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association.
The club members were primarily businessmen who aimed to cultivate themselves and enhance their appreciation of the arts.5 The members of the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association held Confucius in high regard, and worshipped him within the society. They regarded Waijiang opera and Waijiang music as “elegant and proper music”, setting them apart from professional opera troupes and performers. This distinction gave them space to explore traditional Chinese opera string music, which ultimately solidified their leadership position within the local Teochew music community.6
Er Woo’s activities were divided into two parts, music and traditional opera. They had more musicians than actors, and it was the view that these amateur members had a deeper understanding of traditional opera and music than the professionals themselves. In 1960, the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association launched their first reformed version of a Han opera, Niulang zhinü (The Cowherd and the Weaver Girl).7
After Singapore’s independence, the popularity of Waijiang opera gradually declined, and gave way to the rising trend of film music, which included Teochew opera films. Local music clubs also shifted from performing Han opera to Teochew opera.8
Some important Teochew musicians in Singapore were Lin Rulie (1906–1981), Yeoh Liew Kung (1912–2004), and Yeo How Jiang (1928–2017). These senior musicians often came together to make music in their free time, not only as a recreational activity, but also as a way to strengthen their social bonds.
The international exchange of Teochew music in Singapore primarily relied on grassroots efforts. During annual celebrations organised by local Teochew opera troupes, overseas professional Teochew music masters were invited to perform in Singapore, including Zheng Shengli, Li Xianlie, and Cai Jianchen. Local musicians would gather with these teachers outside of working hours to enjoy music and share playing techniques, aiming to improve their own performance skills and contribute to the development of Teochew music in Singapore. For instance, Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association not only had a few of their own musicians perform during these events, but also hired professional musicians from abroad or musicians from local Teochew charity halls (shantang) to accompany them.
There are currently three active Teochew music groups in Singapore — Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association, Kityang Huay Kwan Teochew Ensemble, and Pho Leng Hui Kuan Teochew Music Ensemble. These three groups, which are among the few remaining historical amateur Teochew music groups in Singapore, consist of around 10 musicians who move between the groups to perform. Other Teochew groups such as the Er Woo Amateur Musical and Dramatic Association and the Nam Hwa Opera focus primarily on opera performances.
Ini Indexs
Cantonese music in Singapore dates back to the mid-19th century, when Cantonese opera culture began to spread to Southeast Asia and around the world. In a narrower sense, Cantonese or yue music refers to a genre of instrumental music believed to originate in the middle of late Qing period, after absorbing the influence of ancient music of the Central Plains, the qupai (labelled melody) of traditional Chinese operas, as well as folk music from the Jiangnan region.1 According to a widespread story, during the reign of Xianfeng Emperor from 1851 to 1860, Cantonese opera was banned by the Qing court because some troupes were involved in uprisings. As a result, musicians started performing more instrumental works. The development of such music reached its peak around the 1920s. Not only was the gaohu, the main accompanying instrument in Cantonese music today, invented during this period; elements of Western music were incorporated too.
More broadly speaking, “Cantonese music” in Singapore could also encompass traditional narrative singing, Cantonese opera music, the musical accompaniment of full-length operas and opera excerpts, music from religious rituals, and even Cantonese pop songs composed by local musicians, as well as Cantonese renditions of Xinyao (Mandarin ballads composed by the youth in Singapore). Popular with the Cantonese-speaking community, they have been performed in theatres, teahouses, cinemas, street operas, clan associations, on the radio, and elsewhere.
Cantonese folk narrative songs during the late-Qing, early-Republican period, such as naamyam and yue-ou (narrative verses), were published in early Singapore newspapers such as Lat Pau, Chong Shing Yit Pao and The Union Times. These were a form of vernacular literature, with themes ranging from love forlorn to livelihood issues.2 By the beginning of the 20th century, Singapore’s teahouses and restaurants already started to feature performances by female singers who sang acapella or with accompaniment by ensembles.3 From the 1930s, well-known venues in Chinatown such as Southern Hotel Restaurant, Air View Restaurant and Xin Ji Yuan similarly had artistes performing Cantonese songs, and this form of entertainment remained popular until the 1950s.
Before World War II, many amateur troupes performing traditional Cantonese music and Cantonese opera were established, including the Tarn Fah Keng Ying Charitable Dramatic Association, Hoi Thin Amateur Dramatic Association and others, which soon also performed to raise funds for anti-Japanese resistance efforts. For professional musicians, there was the Poh Fook Woi Koon, a guild dating back to 1890. Its members were originally the so-called pengmian shifu (“music masters under the canopy”) of Cantonese opera who had broken off from Cantonese opera guild Pat Wo Wui Kun to start their own organisation.4
From the pre-television era in Malaya to the 1970s in post-independent Singapore, traditional Cantonese music broadcasts and Cantonese opera films enjoyed popularity. Cantonese opera films were a form of mainstream entertainment in the 1950s and 1960s. Radio Malaya and Rediffusion often broadcast Cantonese music performed by local groups. Among these amateur groups were the Kwok Sing Musical Association, Yougu Musical Association, Sing Wah Musical and Dramatic Association, the Bell O’ Morn Musical Association, and music and drama groups belonging to various Cantonese clan associations. In addition to providing accompaniment for Cantonese opera, the music ensembles also performed popular tunes like Autumn Moon over the Calm Lake and Thunder in the Dry Season.5 They were fond of using the violin as a form of accompaniment, as well as incorporating other Western musical instruments such as the saxophone, banjo and xylophone.6 In the 1950s and 1960s, when these amateur music groups recorded at the radio station, they were typically unable to pay their musicians or give them a transport allowance, since funds were limited. However, it was customary for the band leader or association committee to treat them to a meal afterwards.7
Amusement parks such as New World and Happy World used to be major performance venues back in the 1950s and 1960s for famous Cantonese opera artistes from Hong Kong. They also provided a place for various clan associations to stage Cantonese opera and music performances as part of fundraising activities.8 In the 1970s, local street opera experienced a gradual decline as a result of urban development and changes in cultural lifestyle. However, when local street opera was still a popular form of entertainment, Cantonese opera troupes often engaged, at considerable expense, famous wenwusheng (male leads adept in roles of scholars as well as warriors) and huadan (female lead) from Hong Kong to perform in choushenxi (performances offering thanks to deities). Such stellar casting remains today a big selling point of Cantonese street opera in Singapore. The live music accompanying the performances may still be seen being directed by a small number of local musicians, allowing such skills to be passed on. Kong Fai Cantonese Wayang opera troupe is an example of this.9
From the 1980s onwards, the local Cantonese opera circle started interacting with practitioners from mainland China, and the audience gradually accepted a new musical style. In the 1990s, local troupes began engaging professional musicians and Cantonese opera performers from China who had trained at the academies there.10 Chinese Theatre Circle, a well-known local Cantonese opera troupe in Singapore, collaborated with Bu Canrong, a renowned arranger from Guangzhou, to create new repertoire. Since 2008, Tung On Opera has also been providing accompaniment regularly for performances of the Singapore Chinese Theatre Circle.
For a long time, Cantonese music in Singapore was associated mainly with Cantonese opera. There were very few purely instrumental performances. There is more active attempt today, with Tung On Opera incorporating newly-composed ensemble music and choral pieces into their programme, and they hope to encourage participation from musicians who play Chinese instruments but might not have a background in Cantonese opera.
It has not been easy to sustain activities of a professional Cantonese music ensemble even if based on a business model. Before and after the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, at least two Cantonese music groups in Chinatown — namely Weng Ngai music orchestra and Poh Fook Woi Koon — stopped operating. Fortunately, there are still many traditional Cantonese music lovers in Singapore, who often visit music clubs or studios in the Chinatown area to participate in singing sessions. A 30-minute session will typically be just sufficient for a duet that captures a romantic story with all its emotional ups and downs. Compared to similar singing sessions in Hong Kong, the corresponding live music accompaniment in Singapore tends to be much reduced and hence more affordable, with three to four musicians instead of seven or eight.
Today, the Internet has a vast array of resources in Cantonese opera, providing more aid to learners. The English-educated in Singapore may thus experience — more easily than ever before — the aesthetic values of Chinese literary classics through the medium of Cantonese opera music.
Ini Indexs
In Southeast Asia, the term Nanyang (literally “South Seas”) usually refers to Singapore, Malaya, Indonesia, as well as the coastal region of Indochina. “Nanyang Chinese Literature” historically is a term often used to describe the experiences of the Chinese in Malaya. Despite apparent confusion and entanglements over such terms as “Nanyang (or Malayan) style or school”, Nanyang art simply means art created by artists from China who settled in Singapore and Malaya and formed social, economic and political interests in their adopted homeland in the 20th century.
The art scene of the 1930s saw an emerging local consciousness among artists from China, reflecting a growing sense of place as they became more firmly settled in Singapore. In fact, the change had earlier begun in the literary scene, where writers were addressing social issues of the time. In 1926, Duan Nankui (birth and death years unknown), editor of the literary supplement of Chinese newspaper Lat Pau, described local society in this way: “It is a hackneyed, degenerate, static, stagnant, cumbersome, indifferent and hemiplegic, sick society.” He urged the intelligentsia “to adopt a critical attitude in re-evaluating all the values in Nanyang”. Another editor, Xu Jie (1901–1993), wrote in 1928, in the 10th issue of Yik Khuan Poh’s literary supplement Kudao (Desert Island): “Nanyang has its own history, customs, human environment and landscape, our writers need not search far for what we can find around us as excellent material for literary writing … Literature requires local colour, for instance when we mention Nanyang coconut palms, tall trees, expansive countryside, cottages, and bullock carts readily come to mind and occupy our thoughts. If we can capture colours such as these and express them in our writing, it will be the best of literary writing.”
Beginning from the second half of the 1920s, there had arisen a greater awareness of “the peculiarity of the locale” in Malaya (Singapore included), affirming the value of local writing by refusing to be reduced to “a mere tributary of Chinese culture”. Such consciousness had a direct impact on the entire Chinese community. The Chinese newspapers of this period, such as Nanyang Siang Pau, started by Tan Kah Kee in 1923; and Sin Chew Jit Poh, started by Aw Boon Haw and his brother in 1929, were also actively engaged in the discussion on calling for wider attention to the importance of Nanyang literature.
According to reports in Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh, 1931 was a fruitful year with a number of notable exhibitions. A new art group called Nan Sing Arts Association organised an exhibition of its members’ works and other works from various periods. A writer who called himself Waihan (“outsider”) commented on the exhibition, urging artists “to resist the misfortune of social ills with noble spirits”. After the exhibition, the organisers set up an art school, which also offered Chinese-language lessons in the evenings. The same year saw the Chang Chow Association (now Chang Chow General Association) present an exhibition of ancient paintings and calligraphy works from various dynasties. Poet and calligrapher Khoo Seok Wan’s (1874–1941) works were also featured.
In 1931, a special group called the Nanyang Journalistic Caricature Association was formed by artist Chen Shengping (1900s–1975), a graduate of the Shanghai Art University. Chen had then recently arrived in Singapore. His cartoon “Victim of the Wheel of Economy Today” that was printed in the Nanyang Students’ Society’s quarterly magazine in 1930 prompted Sin Chew Jit Poh to start running cartoons. He then became the editor of the features section of the newspaper for a short period, before leaving to dedicate himself to cartoon art in the Nanyang Journalistic Caricature Association. During the recruitment drive for the association, he wrote in the press: “Because of the shortage of cartoonists on this island, we specially offer cartooning courses both in classroom and through correspondence. Students can learn the technique of cartooning within a short time … With our pen we want to depict the hypocrisy of those who speak about virtue and righteousness but behave like robbers, and everything that is thoroughly evil and ugly.” By the end of 1931, the Association had published a book titled Shehui Manhua (Social Cartoons), which was a platform for cartoons as well as literary writing.
This appeared to usher in a yet more vibrant art scene during the second half of the 1930s, as artists and members of the intelligentsia arrived in increasing numbers due to the unstable political situation in China at that time. Many of them participated keenly in art activities, and some even formed art groups. Amid mounting tensions in 1936 and 1937 as the Second Sino-Japanese war drew near, artists sought to reflect the reality of the times by making art more relatable to the social conditions of the time. They also rallied like-minded people to form associations which promoted art.
One such group, comprising artists1 such as Cai Zhuzhen (1900s–1974), Li Yunyang, Lin Dao’an, Hsu Chunlin (1911–2000), Teo Peck Ho (1901–1957), Ling Tian, Chen Shengping, Liu Gongxi, Huang Cheng Chuan and Li Kueh Sei (1902–1971), proposed in April 1935 to form the Salon Art Association with the alumni of Shanghai Art Academy. However, the numbers fell short and another meeting2 was convened later in the year with Tchang Ju Chi (1904–1942), Chuang U-Chow (1907–1942), Teo Peck Ho, Lu Heng (1902–1961), Lai Wenji, Kau Chin Seng, Chen Chong Swee (1910–1985), Ling Tian and Hsu Chunlin, who then decided that membership should be open to those from Malaya and the Dutch East Indies. This led to the establishment of the Society of Chinese Artists in November 1935, which was formally registered in January the following year.
It became Singapore’s first visual arts organisation with a proper structure, with members responsible for a range of functions including publication. The first batch of office bearers included Tchang Ju Chi as president, Yong Mun Sen as vice-president, and other leading artists in various positions. The society planned to hold annual exhibitions, host visiting artists from abroad and invite them as special guest speakers. The Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, leading to an influx of Chinese artists and writers to Singapore. This enlarged the island’s cultural talent pool, and artistic standards went up. Works created at this time showed greater local content, while previous sojourner sentiments were much reduced.
The formation of the Society of Chinese Artists is particularly significant in the history of art education in Singapore. The society would be the precursor to the establishment of the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts in 1938. Such a development was no accident because most of the society’s members were school teachers — for instance, Tchang Ju Chi, Teo Peck Ho and Chen Chong Swee of Tuan Mong School; Yeh Chi Wei (1913–1981) of Chung Cheng High School; and Wu Tsai Yen (1911–2001) and Yan Zaisheng (birth and death years unknown) of Tao Nan School.
Apart from art associations and educational institutions, the media also played an important role. In the years leading up to the war, both Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh devoted much space to the coverage of activities and discourse related to art issues, especially in their art supplement or features sections. In this respect, editor Dai Yinlang (1906–1985), who became the features editor of Art Today in Nanyang Siang Pau’s Sunday supplement in 1937, stood out as a staunch champion of the arts. Dai, a versatile artist himself who worked in woodcut and watercolour, offered a platform for artists to publish their artworks, especially woodcuts and cartoons; and for artists and writers to engage in dialogue. Under his editorship, which lasted only about half a year, 24 weekly issues of the supplement were published. They had an enduring impact on art development in pre-war Singapore.
In the 1930s, Koh Cheng Foo (also known as Ma Ge or Marco Hsu, 1908–1993), an art critic and the principal of Ai Tong School, wrote regularly about art in Singapore for Nanyang Siang Pau. These articles, published between 1933 and 1936, were later collected in 1950 into a book entitled Nanyang Zhi Mei (The Beauty of Nanyang). The book celebrated the art, life and people of Nanyang, and refuted the oft-repeated comment about Singapore being a cultural desert or backwater. Koh published more than a dozen books on art, the best-known being Malaiya Yishu Jianshi (A Brief History of Malayan Art) which came out in 1963. This book was translated in 1999 by Dr Lai Chee Kien and became an important reference to students of Singapore art history. Koh’s writings between 1950 and 1963 expanded the Nanyang art discourse by shifting its focus from the Nanyang as imagined by the Nanyang Chinese (signified by his use of the term Nanyang qundao, or “Nanyang as a group of islands”) to the Malayan School of Painting (Malaiya hua pai). The latter signified a Malayan culture unifying all races rather than a Nanyang culture only for the Chinese.
“Nanyang character” (Nanyang secai), something which had been much discussed in literary circles since the early 1930s, appeared in the visual arts for the first time in the work of Tchang Ju Chi. When Tchang arrived from China in 1927, he immediately became active in education and art in Singapore, and developed a close association with Chen Lien Tsing (1907–1943) — the chief editor of Chinese newspaper supplement Yelin (Coconut Grove), who was advocating “Nanyang character” in literature. Tchang consciously worked “Nanyang character” into his paintings, such as Mila Yu Renna (Mila and Renna) and Manzai’ergui (Returning Fruitful) from his journey to Sumatra in 1934. Between 1936 and 1941, he was the president of the Society of Chinese Artists and an oil painting lecturer at the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts. The academy would be a fulcrum for the artistic community of Singapore and Malaya for most of the 20th century.
Then, the founding of Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts is to become another important milestone in Malayan art history.