Ini Indexs
Organisations dealing with the cemeteries of Chinese immigrants had existed since the early days of modern Singapore. They played a significant role in unifying and leading their respective communities. The Hokkiens were served by Heng San Teng, while the Teochews had Tai Shan Ting. The Cantonese and Hakka communities, however, chose to collaborate instead of setting up separate cemeteries. This was likely because the two groups were smaller than the Hokkien and Teochew dialect groups and had limited resources. The cemeteries were managed by Fuk Tak Chi Temple, which had been built in Telok Ayer Street by the Cantonese and Hakkas in the 1820s.
Historical documents, including stone tablets and account books that have survived, indicate that Cantonese and Hakka communities in the early 19th century were made up of immigrants from the Kwong Wai Siew community (Guangzhou, Huizhou, and Zhaoqing), the Fong Yun Thai community (Fengshun, Dabu, and Yongding), and Kar Yeng Five Districts (Meixian, Jiaoling, Pingyuan, Wuhua, and Xingning). They established the cemeteries Cheng San Teng and Loke Yah Teng together. Less is known about Cheng San Teng, as the available historical records focus predominantly on Lok Yah Teng.
Cheng San Teng was built before Loke Yah Teng, but the specific date of its construction remains unclear. For instance, a monument erected by the Kwong Wai Siew, Fong Yun Thai, and Kar Yeng communities in 1840 merely mentioned “a shared cemetery from previous years”. In the Fudeci lüyeting yan’geshi jinian tekan [Commemorative Issue of the Development of Hok Tek Chi Loke Yah Teng Association] (1963), Tao Gongzhu (birth and death years unknown) and other founding members clarified that this “shared cemetery” referred to Cheng San Teng, and that it had been fully occupied before Loke Yah Teng was established. They explained that Cheng San Teng had existed “before the Year of Wu Xu” — in other words, likely before 1838 — and that it was located in the coastal area to the east of Ann Siang Hill and west of the present Peck Seah Street. The cemetery was established as members of the community did not have the heart to leave the unclaimed bodies of deceased immigrants unattended. It was named Cheng San Teng (literally “green hills” in Chinese), after the area’s luxuriant green landscape.
Sporadic records from account books of Loke Yah Teng during the reign of the Guangxu Emperor reveal further details about Cheng San Teng. For example, the combined accounting records of Fuk Tak Chi Temple and Loke Yah Teng between 1887 and 1933 included the financial dealings of Cheng San Teng in 1905, and noted that it had last carried out repairs in 1906 and 1907. An entry of 50 dollars spent on exhumation in the “fifth month of the Year of Ding Wei during the Guangxu period” showed that the relocation of Cheng San Teng had begun in 1907. In addition, there is a monument sitting in the ancestral temple of Singapore’s oldest Hakka clan association, Ying Fo Fui Kun in Shuang Long Shan cemetery, which had been was erected on the “first day of the 11th month in the 33rd year of the reign of Guangxu” (1907) for the combined ashes exhumed from Cheng San Teng. This confirms that the cemetery was officially relocated at the beginning of the 20th century.
In 1838, when Cheng San Teng had run out of burial space, leaders of the Cantonese and Hakka communities applied to the colonial government to build a new cemetery. Two years later, they were assigned a 32-acre piece of land between Tiong Bahru and Havelock Road, with a lease term of 999 years. The new cemetery was named Loke Yah Teng (meaning “green fields” in Chinese) to match Cheng San Teng. A stone tablet was later erected to mark the cemetery’s establishment.
Historical inscriptions and documents suggest that Loke Yah Teng was affected by the linguistic and ancestral differences between the Cantonese and Hakka communities from the early 1800s to 1900s. Relationships and issues of identity within the organisation were much more complex and diverse than those faced by the Hokkien community’s Heng San Teng and the Teochew community’s Tai Shan Ting. At the same time, the role of Fuk Tak Chi Temple was limited. It was mainly a place for ancestral and religious worship that also provided basic funeral and burial services. This was unlike its Hokkien, Teochew, and Hainanese counterparts, which had played the wider role of community leadership.
The original sites of Cheng San Teng and Loke Yah Teng were later acquired by the government. Only the latter was relocated to Choa Chu Kang Cemetery. There was a total of 11,518 graves, of which 4,341 were named and 7,177 unidentified. Most of the rest of the kinship or geography-based collective tombs found their separate ways to places run by Cantonese or Hakka communities, namely Peck San Theng (the Kwong Wai Siew community), Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Ancestral Hall of Ying Fo Fui Kun (Kar Yeng community), and Fong Yun Thai Association (Fong Yun Thai community).
Ini Indexs
Charitable healthcare services provided by the Cantonese community in Singapore date back to 1867, with the establishment of Thong Chai Yee Say by seven Cantonese merchants.1 It provided free medical consultations to the poor and needy, regardless of their place of origin, who lived in the Chinese-dominant area near the Singapore River. Philanthropists helped with donations and joint management to develop this inter-dialect groups, community-led medical institution.
Thong Chai Yee Say was officially registered in 1885. In 1892, it relocated from North Canal Road to Wayang Street, known today as Eu Tong Sen Street, under the name of Thong Chai Medical Institution. There they continued their original mission of providing medical treatment and medicine.2 It was a medical institution that provided outpatient services and also engaged in medical research. Before the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce (now Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry) was officially established in 1906, the institution was also a place where merchants would hold meetings and host dignitaries, briefly serving as a temporary office for the Association.
As the number of immigrants grew in the 20th century, the philanthropic healthcare initiatives that the Chinese community established were extended to people of different dialect groups and races. These included not only Thong Chai Medical Institution, but also Sian Chay Medical Institution, Char Yong Fei Choon Free Hospital (now defunct), Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital, Chung Hwa Medical Institution, Singapore Buddhist Free Clinic, Thye Hua Kwan Moral Society, and Ngee Ann Traditional Chinese Medical Centre, among others.
The Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital, established in 1910, was the only large-scale community-led charity hospital in 20th century Singapore that allowed patients to be hospitalised. Initially known as the Kwong Wai Shiu Free Hospital, it became a landmark on Serangoon Road.3 Some also referred to it as the “Cantonese Free Hospital” or rumah miskin (Malay for “house of the poor”).
The founding of Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital was related to shifting political tides in China. Towards the end of the Qing dynasty, Singapore received a significant influx of immigrants from China. The public healthcare system could not cope with the increased pressure. During that time, the Governor of the Straits Settlements, Sir John Anderson (1858–1918), requested the help of local Cantonese businessmen to provide welfare for the rapidly growing community from Guangdong. In 1910, individuals such as Wong Ah Fook (1837–1918), Leong Man Sau (1866–1916), Yow Ngan Pan (1863–1930), Ng Sing Phang (1873–1952), Look Yan Kit (1849–1933), Choo Sun Meng, Tan Qingyun, Lam Wei Fong and Li Xingnan brought together prominent individuals4 from the Guangzhou, Huizhou and Zhaoqing communities to raise funds. They modelled Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital after a free hospital in Guangzhou. They then purchased the property left behind when Tan Tock Seng Hospital relocated away from Serangoon Road, and converted it into Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital. The hospital’s founding chairman, Wong Ah Fook, signed a 99-year contract with the government charging an annual token fee of one dollar until 2010. Kwong Wai Shiu Free Hospital officially opened in 1911, and for a century relied completely on private donations to fund its services.5
When Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital was established, it operated according to the laws of the time. The hospital was able to hire traditional Chinese medicine practitioners and prescribe Chinese herbal medicines. However, it also had to hire Western medical practitioners — creating a local precedent for a system where Chinese and Western medical techniques were integrated. Additionally, the hospital had to provide free childbirth services to pregnant women of Cantonese origin, and outpatient services were open to all people, regardless of origin.6
During World War II, when parts of the hospital were damaged by bombing and nearby residences were destroyed, the open spaces on the hospital grounds became a temporary graveyard. The Municipal Administration and the Department of Health allowed the hospital to continue running during the war, with Ching Kee Sun (circa 1881–1972) and Woo Mon Chew (1887–1958) serving as its chairman and vice-chairman respectively. They gradually hired more doctors and nurses, all of whom lived on the hospital premises. The Department of Health provided medicine, and funds raised by the board were used to purchase food. At that time, half of the patients in the hospital suffered from beriberi and oedema — the result of excessive consumption of tapioca while other foods were in short supply.
On 15 June 1974, Kwong Wai Shiu Free Hospital was renamed Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital. It became a community-funded hospital that was open to all. The law stipulating that only those hailing from Guangzhou, Huizhou and Zhaoqing could be hospitalised there was abolished, and from then on, the hospital admitted inpatients from every ethnic background. In 2010, when its 99-year lease was up, the hospital was allowed to continue operating in its original location as a community care hospital.7
Ini Indexs
There is currently no consensus on when Hakka immigrants first arrived in Singapore, but what is certain is that many of them came to the island to partake in its development shortly after Stamford Raffles (1781–1826) landed in 1819. The communities from Kar Yeng and Huizhou established Ying Fo Fui Kun and Wui Chiu Fui Kun respectively in 1822 to take care of the welfare of their fellow clansmen, and they were the earliest groups to set up clan associations based on geographical location. Since then, the Hakka community has become an important group in Singapore’s Chinese community.
The size of the Hakka community in Singapore is not very large. According to statistics, there were more than 6,000 Hakka people in 1881, which rose to around 40,000 by 1947. Currently, the local Hakka population is approximately 200,000. Since the 19th century, the Hakka community has accounted for between 5% and 8% of the total Chinese population in Singapore, and its people are mostly from Guangdong province’s Dabu, Jiaying, Huizhou, and Fengshun, and Fujian province’s Yongding. Some others are from Guangxi province’s Bobai and Rongxian.
Formed by these larger groups of Hakkas, the major Hakka clan associations in Singapore, in chronological order, are Ying Fo Fui Kun (1822), Wui Chiu Fui Kun (1822), Char Yong (Dabu) Association (1858), Foong Shoon Fui Kuan (1873), and Eng Teng Association (1918). There are also surname-based organisations such as Hakka Wong Association and Hakka Chong’s Association. There are 19 different Hakka organisations listed under the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations. The Nanyang Khek Community Guild (renamed Nanyang Hakka Federation in 2020), established in 1929 by wealthy Hakka merchant Aw Boon Haw (1882–1954) to unite the Hakkas, acts as a joint body for the Hakka community.
Before Singapore’s independence, the functions of Hakka clan associations were similar to those of other dialect groups in that they mainly took care of the needs and welfare of their members — from practical necessities such as work and accommodation, to less tangible aspects such as education and religion. Apart from manual labour work, early Hakka immigrants were also engaged in commerce, and had monopolised industries including pawnbroking, traditional Chinese medicine, tailoring, and eyewear. This had to do with the skills they possessed, as well as referrals by the clan associations.
Generally speaking, however, the Hakka community was economically disadvantaged and thus unable to compete with the Hokkien and Teochew communities who controlled the financial and trade industries. As a result, fewer Hakkas made it into leadership positions in the Chinese community in Singapore, since wealth was the basic criterion for ascending the social ladder at that time.
When it came to education, the Hakkas did not allow themselves to lag behind. In the early 20th century, the Chinese community in Singapore began transiting from private schools to modern schools due to the influence of education development in China. The Hakka community was one of the first dialect groups to set up modern schools — Ying Fo Fui Kun founded Yin Sin School in 1905 , while Char Yong Association followed with Khee Fatt School in 1906. The two schools were part of the earliest batch of modern schools to be established on the island, which could be considered the beginning of Chinese education in Singapore.
Besides schools, the Hakka community built temples and cemeteries to fulfil the religious and burial needs of its people. Hock Teck See Temple, a temple by the sea dedicated to Tua Pek Kong, was constructed in 1844. The major Hakka clan associations elect members to serve as its directors and appointed temple keepers. By the mid-19th century, the community had also set up Cheng San Teng and Loke Yah Teng to use as communal burial grounds for Hakka immigrants who had died on the island, away from home. The Cantonese community played a part in establishing Cheng San Teng and Loke Yah Teng as well.
When the community outgrew the two cemeteries, Hakkas from Fengshun, Yongding, and Dabu came together to form the Fong Yun Thai Association and built a new cemetery, Yu Shan Teng, in 1882 which housed the Fong Yun Thai ancestral hall, while Ying Fo Fui Kun acquired Shuang Long Shan cemetery in 1887, which also housed an ancestral hall for the five districts of Kar Yeng community.
After Singapore became independent in 1965, Hakka clan associations found, as all other clan associations did, that the government had taken over many of the basic social functions that they used to serve during colonial times. It was necessary to reinvent themselves to adapt to the needs of the country’s economic development and evolution of national identity. For example, schools founded by the Hakka community have now become government schools where English is taught as a first language. Clan association activities now focus on promoting Chinese culture and preserving Hakka traditions, with a scope that has gone global in response to trends of a new era. Many of these associations now also organise overseas activities that include networking and collaboration opportunities, business visits, cultural exchanges, and attending World Hakka Conferences.
Ini Indexs
The descendants of Chinese immigrants make up over 70% of Singapore’s population today. As early as the 15th century, these immigrants began making their way across the ocean from China to settle in Malaysia and Singapore. Most of the earlier settlers, who belonged to various ethnic groups and spoke different dialects, came from southern China.
Among them were the Hainanese, whose numbers have grown over the last 600 years. According to the Singapore Census of Population 2020, there are around 183,000 Hainanese people living in Singapore,1 and they form the fifth-largest Chinese dialect group here. Like many close-knit Chinese immigrant communities, the Hainanese set up their own clan associations. These organisations were responsible for the general well-being of their members, helping them to settle down, find jobs, send money back to their loved ones in Hainan, as well as with other daily needs.
Examples of these clan groups include the Hainan Hwee Kuan — established in 1854 — and the Singapore Hainan Society, which was set up in 1956. These associations played an important role and became centres for Hainanese musicians, who went on to develop and promote Hainanese music in Singapore. Today, Hainanese music generally falls under three categories: folk songs, bayin (instrumental music based on eight instruments), and Hainan opera.
Hainanese folk songs, too, can be divided into three groups — mountain songs, fishing songs, and children’s songs. These songs are passed down from generation to generation by oral tradition. Well-known folk songs that are still being sung among the Hainanese today include Wuzhi shange (Wuzhi Mountain Song), Zhanzai shanding chang shange (Singing Mountain Song on the Mountain Top), and Ritou chuchu yu xiaxia (Raining on a Sunny Day).
The eight instruments of Hainan bayin can be split into two groups: melodic instruments — such as the suona, yueqin, yangqin, dizi, and diaoxian (a kind of erhu used in Hainanese opera) — and percussion instruments like drums, cymbals, and gongs. In the modern bayin ensemble, the array of instruments can be more flexibly adjusted to suit different performing needs. Bayin ensembles typically perform at festive events, such as weddings and celebrations for deities’ birthdays.
While folk songs and bayin provide the soundtrack to daily life, Hainan opera is considered a higher artistic form. Over its long history, it has developed a set of standardised rules that are followed rigorously. Hainan opera can be divided into historical drama and modern stage play. A historical drama tells a story about past events, while a modern stage play presents a contemporary story, and so acts as a mirror to society. The main instrumental accompaniment to Hainan opera is led by string instruments diaoxian, and accompanied by instruments such as the suona, yangqin, yueqin, daruan, dahu, drum, gong, and cymbal.
Hainan opera troupes were usually founded by famous opera stars, who formed associations with the goal of teaching the locals to perform professionally. One famous example was the now-defunct Singapore Opera Company, which was set up by renowned male performer Qing Shoulan (1808–1895) in 1859.2 Some of the most important associations which are still in operation were formed later. They include the Kheng Chew Junior Association (1956), Heng Nam Drama Association (1957, now Tien Heng Kang Heng Nam Drama Association), the Singapore Hymn Rhyme Seng Opera Club (1957), and the Lu Nam Ke Huan (1966), which all played an important role in the development of Hainan opera in Singapore.3
Works from Hainan opera troupes gained popularity through record sales, which made the music available to a much wider audience than before. Some of the most well-loved adaptations preserved on records are Hongye tishi (Poem on Autumn Leaves), Zhang Wenxiu (The Top Scholar Zhang Wenxiu), Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai (The Butterfly Lovers), and Aiqing yu huangjin (Romance and Gold). The popularity of Hainan opera led to the rise of local opera stars such as Goh Tok Boey, Foo Soon Lee, and Foo See Too; and musicians such as Foo Tiang Soon (1904–1989) and Han Yin Juan, all of whom are still remembered today for their artistic talents.
Singapore’s rich heritage today is a reflection of the diverse cultures of its immigrants, whose traditions have been woven into its social fabric. Among these, the musical heritage of the Hainanese immigrants holds its own special place, having been influenced initially by Teochew culture and then later by Cantonese cultural elements.
Thanks to the strength and support of Hainanese clan associations, Hainan music has endured in both form and popularity to become a cultural asset of Singapore.
Ini Indexs
In 1934, Singapore’s first Chinese musical group, Mayfair Musical Party (later renamed Mayfair Musical and Dramatic Association), was established. This happened against the backdrop of the Second Sino-Japanese War, when Chinese in the Nanyang region were exposed to dramas, paintings, and songs with anti-Japanese and anti-war sentiments, which included plays such as Huichunzhiqu (Melody of Returning Spring), Fangxia nide bianzi (Put Down Your Whip), paintings such as Xu Beihong’s (1895–1953) Tianheng wubaishi (Five Hundred Warriors of Tianheng) and Fangxia nide bianzi (Put Down Your Whip), as well as songs such as Nie Er’s (1912–1935) Tietixia de genü (Songstress Under the Iron Hooves), Yiyongjun jinxingqu (March of the Volunteers) and Xian Xinghai’s (1905–1945) Huanghe dahechang (Yellow River Cantata).
During those years, immigrants from Southern China still felt strongly attached to their former homeland, which was why cultural elements from China, including nationalistic songs reflecting anti-Japanese sentiments, were widely popular. Though the local conditions then were still unconducive to creating music, these songs nourished young people’s souls and sowed the seeds for local music composition.
Amid this climate, and encouraged by the visiting Wuhan Chorus’ fund-raising concerts in Singapore and Malaya, Singapore’s first Chinese choir, Tong Luo Choral Group (now defunct), was formed in 1939, paving the first step to local songwriting.
Influenced by anti-Japanese songs from China, works by local songwriters in 1930s to 1940s were closely linked to the everyday life and political climate of the times in terms of style and content, reflecting the zeitgeist of the era. A prominent songwriter/lyricist of that period was Ye Litian (1921–1943), a core member of the Tong Luo Choral Group, known for songs like the Tongluo hechangtuan tuange (Tong Luo Choral Group Anthem), Xinjiapo he (Singapore River), Xue zhige (Song of Snow), and Chidao zhige (The Equator Song). The English-educated pioneer songwriter, originally from Meixian, Guangdong, was unfortunately arrested and hanged by the Japanese military police due to his politically subversive works in 1943. He was barely 22 when his life came to a tragic and untimely end.
Besides Ye, another important songwriter was Yang Li (1919–1942), who also died in his prime. His works included Bieli (Parting), Baowei Malaiya (Defending Malaya), Tiesiwang (Barbed Wire Fence) and more.
Other significant songs of the period included:1
Besides wartime songs, popular songs from Shanghai in the 1940s, or shidaiqu (songs of the era), also spread from China to Singapore. Though some of these pop songs mainly appealed to the man in the street, many others expressed concerns and anxieties about the state of the country and the common people. The latter were seen as professional creative works that reflected the realities of life back then, including:
During the 1940s, some important songwriters also spent a brief sojourn in Singapore, such as Ren Guang, who wrote Yuguang qu (Fishermen’s Song) and Caiyun zhuiyue (Colour Clouds Chasing the Moon), and An E, who wrote the lyrics to “Fishermen’s Song”.
Shortly after the Japanese occupation of Singapore ended, there were still not many formally trained songwriters of local Chinese music. However, Chinese choirs were soon successively established, including the Lee Howe Choral Society in 1952, Rediffusion Youth Choir in 1953, Metro Philharmonic Choir in 1959, and Herald’s Choral Society in 1961. Their repertoire consisted mainly of arrangements of art and folk songs from China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and even the western world, and those which could be considered as local compositions were still works that reflected the political struggles and living conditions of the time.
The local style of Chinese songs written during the 1950s also became increasingly distinct and technically mature. For instance, the song Jiaolin, women de muqin (Rubber Plantation, Our Mother), written and adapted by Boh Chit Hee (1935–2009) from Yu Zhou’s (birth and death years unknown) poem Wo manbu zai jiaolin li (I Am Taking a Walk in a Rubber Plantation), was widely popular. Written in a lyrical style, it spoke of the hardships experienced by rubber tappers and the love they felt for the land, and was considered an iconic song of that era.
Other representative works from the 1950s included:2
In summary, local musical activities between the 1930s and 1950s predominantly revolved around anti-war themes. Pop songs which became in vogue in the 1940s were of a different musical style and also gained a considerable following in Singapore and Malaysia. Subsequently, in the post-war 1950s, the establishment of various mainstream Chinese choral groups played a pivotal role in laying the foundation for the continued development of original Chinese music creation in Singapore.
Ini Indexs
As Singapore society stabilised in the 1960s, the style of local Chinese songs evolved accordingly. While some of the songs written at this time still bore a “leftist” flavour, portraying an anti-colonial stance and extolling the working class, others clearly differed in style, and was filled with a sense of vitality towards building a new nation. Important composers of this period included Ma Ren (Wu Dingfeng, 1930–2019), Li Xuexun (also known by pen names Li Ying, Li Hua, and Qiu Ying, 1932–1991), Tien Ming Ern (1918–1994), Leong Yoon Pin (1931–2011), Ke Si (also known as Lee Khoon Choy, 1924–2016), Lee Yuk Chuan, and more.
Representative local Chinese songs written during the 1960s
In 1962, the first version (revised in 1993) of Singapore’s first oratorio was published. The piece titled Kongque dongnan fei (The Peacock Flies Southeast) by composer Leong Yoon Pin made a grand and refreshing debut, distinguishing itself from other Chinese vocal works in terms of musical style, creativity, and quality.
The 1970s marked a period when local private Chinese arts groups became more active. Creative arts productions, including theatre and dance, placed emphasis on the experience of labour in life, resulting in many songs of the same nature. Chew Seok Kwee (1954–2013), a former music instructor at the Singapore Performing Arts School (now known as The Theatre Practice) who later went to the United States for further studies, was one of the most prolific composers of that time. She was known for works such as Yucun zuge (Fishing Village Suite),1 Huangliyuan zuge (Pineapple Plantation Suite),2 and Linming zuge (Sungai Lembing Suite).3
Other pieces from the same period included the Southern Arts Society’s Yingchun (Welcoming Spring), Buwang4 (Mending the Net) (lyrics by a group, music by Zhu Ye), as well as more than 200 collectively- and anonymously- written songs of a similar style.5
During the mid- to late 1970s, both private and government organisations organised a series of songwriting competitions, catalysing the development of local compositions. Notable competitions included the “Our Songs” Songwriting Competition, jointly organised by the National Theatre Trust and Radio and Television Singapore in 1977, the “Song for Workers Competition”, jointly organised by Singapore Industrial Labour Organisation and Pioneer Industries Employees’ Union in 1978 and 1979, as well as the Nantah School Songwriting Competition organised by Nanyang University in 1979.
Local Chinese songs that came from songwriting competitions during the 1970s
Stylistically speaking, 1979 was a watershed year for local Chinese songwriting, with the creation of Leong Yoon Pin’s choral suite Libai shi sishou (“Four Poems of Li Bai”) which was unprecedented in its use of modern musical language in his attempt to reinterpret Chinese classical poetry.6Before this, songs written by amateurs and professionals alike tended to be more traditional and conservative in both technique and style. Leong’s epoch-making work differed entirely from its counterparts thus far, and was a testament to the growing maturity of local Chinese songwriting.
Ini Indexs
The 1980s were an era when Singapore’s Chinese songwriting scene flourished. The period also saw the emergence of xinyao — a new genre of local Chinese songs. In the beginning, xinyao was merely a channel for songwriters here to express their feelings rather than a proper musical movement. Still, there was no lack of talent or ambition among young xinyao aficionados.
Representative xinyao titles
Meanwhile, songwriters like Li Hua (Li Xuexun) and Huai Hua (Yin Guoqi) penned nostalgic hits in the style of 1970s songs about missing home, such as Chai chuantou (Cha Chun Tau)1 and Guxiang de huainian (Longing for Home).
Other songs with a similar musical style
During the same time, the National Theatre Composers’ Circle set up in 1980, began publishing a compilation series called Women de ge: Xinjiapo gequ chuangzuo (Songs by Singapore Composers) in the early 1980s. This series was a comprehensive collection of locally composed Chinese songs that featured key works of that era.
Collection of hits from Songs by Singapore Composers in the 1980s
Another representative song from the 1980s was Yinyue de huoyan (Flames of Music), a song that renowned musician Lee Howe (1915–2009) wrote for the concert commemorating the 30th anniversary of Lee Howe Choral Society.2
In 1984, the Singapore Arts Festival and the local Chinese theatre groups presented a play, The Oolah World, for which Singapore composer Phoon Yew Tien wrote three solo and choral pieces, with lyrics by Han Lao Da, namely Yue shi guxiang ming (Brighter is the Moon of Home), Yiqie dou neng jia (Everything Can Be False), and Caiyao ge (Gathering Herbs).
Then, in 1986, Leong Yoon Pin composed Jiuge (Nine Songs), an innovative full-scale choral piece based on the poem of the same name by Chinese poet Qu Yuan.
By the 1990s, traditional Chinese choral groups such as Lee Howe Choral Society, Herald’s Choral Society, Metro Philharmonic Choir, Le Yue Chamber Choir, and Melo Art Choir3 were facing a decline as the number of members dwindled. What emerged instead were younger choral groups which tended to be more Westernised in terms of songs and styles, in both classical and modern pieces.4 Many of the performances were also acapella formats, in stark contrast with the Chinese traditional choirs that typically required piano accompaniment. Changes in Singapore’s language and education landscape, where English had become the medium of instruction, also led to a sharp decline in new Chinese choral works in the 1990s. Despite these changes, there were still some new pieces that were written in the same vein as the earlier works.
Local Chinese songs of the 1990s written in the earlier style
In the 2000s, besides pop songs that were succeeded from xinyao, local Chinese songwriting in the traditional and classical style went into a decline. Noteworthy exceptions were Leong Yoon Pin’s Shandi zuge (Folk Flute Vocal Suite)5 written based on the score of the ancient flute in 2015, as well as Huayu (Confucius Cantata), a 10-movement choral work with music by Phoon Yew Tien and lyrics by Chong Wing Hong that was commissioned for the Singapore Festival of Arts 2001.
Under its successive presidents Lee Yuk Chuan, Quek Yong Siu and incumbent Chiew Keng Hoon, the Association of Composers (Singapore), formerly the National Theatre Composers’ Circle, has continued to publish Songs by Singapore Composers, which compilation includes works that are more varied and refreshing than those previously published.
Representative works in Songs by Singapore Composers after 2000
In 2020, Phoon Yew Tien collaborated with poet Lin Zi and produced a series of songs that reminisced about their hometowns in Singapore and Malaysia. These include solo pieces such as Yihai nian jiwang (Wishes for the Year of Yihai), Kunlun lang (Waves of Kunlun), Sanyue liuhuo (Third Month’s Fire), Taiping hu (Taiping Lake), Ouran (Chance Upon), Yujian (Encounter), Jia (Family), Chun (Spring), ), Qiu (Autumn), Zaochen (Morning), and choral pieces such as Chuntian hu (Spring Lake), Dujuan hua (Azaleas), Fengyue youqing (Love of the Breeze and the Moon), Jinian ce (Autograph Book), Na yipian qing caodi (That Patch of Green Fields), Yuandan (New Year’s Day), Yinghuochong (Fireflies), Pugongying (Dandelions), and Qingyuanchun — daonian xiaoshi de huaxiao (Spring in a Pleasure Garden — Remembering the Chinese Schools).6
Singapore has produced a good number of original Chinese songs from the 1930s to the 2000s, which reflected the sociocultural trends, aesthetic sensibilities and intellectual imprints of the times, with quality of the works also gradually improving due to enhancements in the learning environment and quality of teaching staff. Songs were still mainly written in numbered musical notation and stave, and performed in styles such as acapella (be it solo or choral), as well as solo, duet and choral works with piano, accordion or Chinese music ensemble accompaniment. Later, works were also written for vocal solo and a fuller choir accompanied by professional Chinese orchestras or symphony orchestras. On the whole, Chinese songs written in Singapore have kept up with the times and continued to improve in quality.
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The history of Chinese literary groups in Singapore can be traced back to before World War II. As early as April 1939, poets such as Liu Si (Liu Shichao, 1917–2012), Tao Mu (Hong Lingrui, unknown–1960) and Yun Lang (Li Yunlang, 1914–1969) initiated a poetry group called the “Houshe” (Howl Society). They launched a movement to popularise poetry and published a popular poetry page in the Wenhui (Literary Society) supplement of The Union Times.
From the end of World War II to around 1970, a number of writers called for the establishment of a writers’ association for Chinese literature in Singapore and Malaya. The Singapore Chinese Writers’ Association was subsequently founded in late 1945, and the Singapore Chinese Literary Art Association in 1947. However, they were short-lived.
In the beginning of 1970s, during the debate in the Singapore Parliament on the Budget for 1970–1971, some members of parliament raised the issue of establishing a Chinese writers’ association. They believed that Chinese writers should band together and take it upon themselves to cultivate a conducive atmosphere for the development of literature.
Hence, new Chinese literary groups continued to form in Singapore since the 1970s, although some eventually went defunct due to a lack of successors. The literary groups can be classified into two main categories — literary associations registered with the Registry of Societies, and literary centres affiliated with community centres or clubs, or Chinese temple.
Today, the most significant ones are the Singapore Association of Writers and the Singapore Literature Society.
The Singapore Association of Writers was established in August 1970. The three co-presidents of its first executive committee were Lee Ting Hui (1931–2023), Miao Xiu (Lu Shaoquan, 1920–1980), and Liu Bei’an (Chua Boon Hean, 1906–1995).
Under the leadership of past presidents Wong Meng Voon, Wong Yoon Wah, Xi Ni Er and Denon Lim Denan and with the efforts of the former executive committee members, the association promoted a publishing and a literary culture, helped develop Singapore’s Chinese literature with a distinctively local flavour, and organised four international academic conferences. It received the Singapore Chinese Cultural Contribution Award in 2018. Its flagship publication, Xinhua Wenxue (Singapore Chinese Literature), known as Wenxue (Literature) when it was launched in 1978, remains an important platform for literary works in Singapore and beyond.
The Singapore Literature Society (originally named the Singapore Literature Research Society) was established in December 1980 with Yeo Song Nian as its first president. In 1990, under the leadership of Luo Ming (Yap Koon Chan), the society changed its name to its current one.
Its publications range from Singapore Literature to Xinhua Niandu Wenxuan (Annual Anthology of Singapore Chinese Literature). It also gives out “Salute to Literature” awards to senior Chinese writers who have contributed to the Chinese literary scene, as well as the Singapore Chinese Literature Prize to encourage literary enthusiasts to continue their creative endeavours. Furthermore, the association’s Singapore Chinese Literature Library, established in 2012, while not large, has more than a hundred years’ worth of Chinese literary materials, making it a valuable resource centre.
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In 1980, the government restructured Radio and Television Singapore (RTS) to become the statutory board Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC). This was in a bid “to free the Department of Broadcasting, Ministry of Culture, from administrative and financial constraints so that the organisation can expand and develop into a lively radio and television station”.1
From the very beginning, local television was tasked with the triple mission of informing, educating, and entertaining. In the RTS era, drama programmes primarily functioned as a means of social education through dramatic storytelling, and their entertainment value was relatively low. Following the establishment of SBC, local Chinese television drama began to shift its emphasis towards entertainment.
To increase viewership and attract advertisers, SBC started recruiting television talents, mainly from Hong Kong,2 to collaborate with local teams to increase the quantity and quality of its programmes. In 1982, SBC officially established the Chinese Drama Division, hiring scriptwriters and full-time actors. That same year, the one-episode drama Seletar Robbery paved the way for more local productions. The following year, in 1983, SBC released a number of television series,3 including the six-episode The Army Series, a military-themed drama filmed with the support of the Singapore Armed Forces.
In 1984, the release of The Awakening, a four-part series consisting of 53 episodes, propelled locally-produced television series to new heights. It saw the involvement of Hong Kong television veterans, with Lai Shui-ching as executive producer and Leung Lap-yan (1948–2020) and Jiang Long as writers. The epic drama series spanned the period from British colonisation and the Japanese occupation to post-war reconstruction, independence, and Singapore’s economic take-off, highlighting the experiences of the Chinese who sailed south to settle in Singapore. That year, SBC also released its first locally-produced martial arts drama The Pursuit.
From 1985 onwards, SBC produced multiple drama series with more than 20 episodes every year, marking a shift towards an era of mass production in local television. In 1986, the 510-episode long-form drama Neighbours was released, airing for two years. Its theme song “Voices from the Heart” is still widely performed and enjoyed by Singaporeans. The Coffeeshop, released in the same year, later became the first local drama series to hit one million viewers.4
In 1979, RTS set up a dubbing unit in response to the Speak Mandarin Campaign. Its initial function was to translate Hong Kong television dramas into Mandarin. After the establishment of SBC the following year, the dubbing unit proved invaluable as many of the recruited actors had a less than desirable proficiency in Mandarin. Seletar Robbery was the first local drama to be dubbed. As the volume of production increased, the dubbing of local programmes became the focus of the unit’s work. It was not until the late 1990s that local television series featured the original voices of the cast. 5
Seeing as Chinese television dramas were so well-received locally, SBC decided to dub some of its more popular Chinese series into English to widen their reach. The first Chinese serial dubbed in English was Samsui Women, followed by The Army Series, The Coffeeshop, On the Fringe, Against the Wind, Crime and Passion, and others. This not only allowed the Chinese who did not understand Mandarin, but also fellow non-Chinese Singaporeans, to enjoy locally-produced television drama series.6
In the 1990s, Singapore television series were not just popular locally, but seen as a form of soft power. Besides being exported overseas to Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, Thailand, Malaysia, Australia, the United States, and Canada, among others, these series also gained a huge following in China.7
Apart from dramas, variety shows were another mainstay in Chinese programming. Live from Studio One series, which began with Live from Studio One Friday8 in May 1981, was considered the vanguard of variety shows in the 1980s. Due to positive viewer response, Live from Studio One Monday and Live from Studio One Wednesday were added. At the end of 1983, the show aired every day of the week from Monday to Friday, and was collectively renamed Live from Studio One at 8:30 p.m.. In 1987, it merged with Family Hour in the evening slot and was renamed Studio One Presents.9 The series did not end until 1991, when Variety Tonight10 took over.
Variety shows in this period also included games, trivia, and skits, in addition to song and dance. Wang Sha (1925–1998) and Ye Feng (1932–1995), who were popular in the 1970s for their dialect comedies, continued to bring laughter to Singaporeans through their participation in these Chinese variety shows in Mandarin in the 1980s. At the same time, a new generation of comedy stars such as Hua Liang (1953–1995) and Zhao Jin rose to prominence, alongside emerging talents like Jack Neo and Moses Lim. These performers aimed to educate their audience while entertaining them through skits and comedy.
The production of Chinese television programmes in the SBC era not only increased in quantity, but improved in quality as well. With limited television channels in the 1980s, locally-produced Chinese programmes that aired during primetime slots mostly made the top ten in ratings, with viewership easily starting from 500,000 to 600,000 and peaking at over a million. These Chinese-language programmes were the main driver of SBC’s viewership ratings and, more importantly, allowed viewers to engage with local stories and topics on the small screen. These stories reflected the shared values of citizens in a country that had diverse ethnicities, languages, religions, and cultures.
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Buddhism in Singapore has undergone various phases of development since it was brought in by early Chinese migrants in the 19th century. In the early days, they practised a popular Chinese religion that incorporated Buddhist deities and elements. Today, Chinese who practised popular Chinese religion and Taoism continue to practise this composite form of religion. While the central deities in many Chinese and Taoist temples may not be Buddhist, there are nevertheless Buddhist deities in almost all of these temples. Despite this, there emerged a group of first-generation humanistic monks who not only catered to the spiritual and ritual needs of the Chinese population but also engaged in different types of welfare services.
The 1970s and 1980s ushered in a new phase in the development of Buddhism in Singapore, culminating in the move towards Reformist Buddhism. Reformist Buddhism during this period entailed three key areas of development: the shift towards Buddhist dharma and teachings; the shift towards the reforming of the organisational structure; and the shift towards introducing different types of socio-religious, educational, and welfare activities as a result of the rise of charismatic Buddhist sangha (community of monks and nuns) and lay Buddhism.
From the late 20th century to the turn of the 21st century, a new phase emerged — the rise of Compassionate Buddhism. In this phase, Reformist Buddhism went one step further and developed social activities, welfare, and Buddhist philanthropy.
During this period, Reformist Buddhism attracted a sizeable group of young Singaporeans in their 20s to 40s, as many of the well-educated Chinese Singaporeans were exploring the religious scene. This was also a time when evangelical Christians were actively recruiting members to their denominations. Some of these well-educated Chinese Singaporeans became aware of Reformist Buddhism and were attracted to the Buddhist scriptures and the charismatic monks who conducted dharma classes on a weekly basis. During this nascent period of Reformist Buddhism, there was only a small group of young male Singaporeans who were ordained as Mahayana Buddhist monks. Some young nuns were also adopted by the nunnery and trained as monastics. Some of the Reformist monks were under the tutelage and influence of the early humanistic monks such as Venerable Hong Choon (1907–1990),1Venerable Yen Pei (1918–1996),2 Venerable Ven Siong Khye (1916–1990),3 and Venerable Long Gen (1921–2011). To supplement the shortage of sangha members, several young Mahayana monks were recruited from Taiwan and served primarily Mandarin-speaking Buddhists. While conducting dharma services, a number of Mahayana monks used Mandarin and Hokkien to engage the older Chinese population.
At the same time, there was the development of the Tibetan and Theravada branches of Buddhism alongside lay Buddhism. These new Buddhist organisations emerged in Singapore to cater to the island’s emerging English-speaking Buddhist population. Several young male Singaporeans were ordained as Theravada monks, while a small group of Tibetan monks were recruited to serve the English-speaking community. There were also two big Theravada Buddhist temples here. Mangala Vihara in Jalan Eunos catered to a large English-speaking Peranakan community as well as Singaporean Singhalese Buddhists, while Sri Lankaramaya Buddhist Temple at St. Michael’s Road served primarily the Singaporean Sinhalese population. Public Buddhist dharma teachings were conducted in the Sinhala language. Both of these temples also conducted dharma classes in English for young Singaporeans.
Today, the focus on Buddhist scriptures remains an important part of Reformist Buddhism. Many of these Buddhist temples and lay organisations conduct dharma classes in either English or Mandarin. Some Buddhist organisations are effectively bilingual and conduct dharma teachings in both languages. Others, such as the Sinhalese Sri Lankaramaya Buddhist Temple, do so in the vernacular language that caters to the local Sinhalese population as well as migrant workers who usually visit the temple on Sundays.
With the increased number of Buddhist expatriates and migrant workers from South Asia and Southeast Asia in the last few decades, many ethnic-based Buddhist temples — namely Thai and Burmese ones — have also emerged.
Another aspect of Reformist Buddhism is the bureaucratisation of Buddhist temples where religious organisations with a charitable status come under the state’s regulatory control. Almost all of the earlier village-style temples had adopted modern bureaucracy, leading to the separation of the religious from the secular within the temple structure, and religious roles from non-religious roles. In the early years, the village-style temple was managed by the head monk and nun with the assistance of some lay people. Today, the temple structure and roles are clearly defined, with a board of directors/trustees as well as financial and other divisions, depending on the scope and scale of the temple and its activities.
Some of the big Buddhist temples have also spun off their socio-cultural and welfare activities into separate entities, although they continue to be associated with the temples. A modern organisational structure with well-defined roles ensures accountability in the use of public money for various socio-religious and welfare purposes. Under Singapore’s laws, religious governance is key to ensuring that the temples function within the purview of the religious framework. This is especially important in multi-racial and multi-religious Singapore, where racial and religious harmony is vital for social cohesion. Additionally, the socio-cultural and welfare activities conducted by the Buddhist temples are generally open to people of all religious backgrounds.
In Singapore, individual charismatic monks, nuns, and lay Buddhists have long engaged in Buddhist socio-cultural, educational, and welfare activities. One of the most sought-after services is the traditional Chinese medical treatment offered by the Singapore Buddhist Free Clinic, which opened its first clinic in 1969. In the 1980s and 1990s, the rise of a group of younger, forward-looking charismatic monks and nuns reshaped the Buddhist landscape in Singapore. During this period, many of these younger monks and nuns took over leadership roles from the older generation of monks and nuns. The passing of this religious baton has also resulted in a new approach to Buddhism. While the younger leaders respect the importance of Buddhist prayers and rituals to the Chinese and Buddhist community in Singapore, they also gradually shifted and expanded their focus on socio-cultural activities, education, and welfare work.
Buddhist organisations and temples that are involved in socio-cultural, educational, and welfare works include the Metta Welfare Association, which was started by Venerable Chao Khun Fa Zhao of the Golden Pagoda Temple; Tai Pei Buddhist Centre started by the Tai Pei Buddhist Temple under a charismatic nun named Venerable Fatt Kuan; Singapore Buddhist Welfare Services (SBWS), which was founded by the late Venerable Yen Pei and later expanded and helmed by his disciple, Venerable Kuan Yan; Foo Hai Chan Monastery under the present abbot Venerable Ming Yi, who has expanded the socio-religious and welfare arm of the temple. Under its Foo Hai Buddhist Culture and Welfare Association, it established the Ren Ci Community Hospital and nursing homes which serve the general population.
Other Buddhist temples and organisations focus on social and community activities. For example, the Singapore Buddhist Lodge is a lay Buddhist organisation providing free vegetarian meals daily and also educational scholarships and welfare funds for the Singapore community. Likewise, Kong Meng San Phor Kark See Monastery has directed its attention towards dharma education. Under its present abbot Venerable Sik Kwang Sheng, it also offers an array of family, community, and counselling services.
During the 21st century, there has been a heightened development of Compassionate Buddhism that has attracted modern Buddhists who see the relevance of socially-engaged Buddhism.4The understanding of karma, merit-making, the expansion of the karmic field, and the idea of a living bodhisattva contribute to their commitment in upholding social engagement in Buddhism. This includes contributing their efforts, time, and resources to various compassionate fields.
Within the Singapore Buddhist landscape, it has led to the rise of the Buddhist moral self and the development of Buddhist compassion, Buddhist philanthropy, and the expansion of Buddhist compassionate fields and localised compassionate microfields. Here, we witnessed the development of various types of social and welfare services and activities targeting specific needs of different social groups as well as the wider population. These services provided by different Buddhist organisations serve the needs of the local compassionate fields, while small formal and informal Buddhist groups serve the localised compassionate microfields. As a result, there has been a rapid rise in a wide range of Buddhist care services. These include six main types of care services: (1) homes and care centres for the elderly population; (2) medical services; (3) schools and centres for children for special needs and disabilities; (4) kindergartens and childcare centres; (5) local and transnational disaster and emergency relief; and (6) rehabilitation programmes and halfway houses for former drug addicts.5Apart from these, there are many other social and cultural as well as recreational and leisure services for Buddhists and the general public.
The Buddhist compassionate and philanthropic field is highly organised and managed through partnership with the Singapore government to ensure accountability and high-quality services. Most of the eldercare welfare services are provided in partnership with the National Council of Social Service, Ministry of Social and Family Development, and Ministry of Health,6 while those involved in education services work with the Ministry of Education. At the same time, these Reformist Buddhist organisations are also reaching out to the corporate sector to forge partnerships in delivering welfare services to the communities in need. Further, Buddhist compassion goes beyond Singapore. Many of these Buddhist organisations are also actively involved in raising funds for regional and transnational disaster and relief efforts. In some cases, Buddhist volunteers have provided aid at disaster sites.
One key challenge faced by Compassionate Buddhism today is that of sustainability. It needs to attract, retain, and expand a large group of highly-disciplined, socially-engaged Buddhists who are committed and capable of forging ahead with the different types of socio-religious and welfare services. They should also be creative in developing new services in the face of new societal challenges.
A second challenge is its holistic integration into the society as an important third force — a religious non-governmental organisation — to cater to the needy and the marginalised, both within and beyond Singapore. In this aspect, partnerships with the state, the corporate, and the civil society sectors will enable Compassionate Buddhism to fulfil its mission.
Finally, it needs to adapt to new challenges and growing social expectations as new needs emerge as a result of changing local demographics, polarity of wealth, and the arrival of new migrants amidst a rapidly-changing environment.