Singapore Chinese culture: National identity, ethnic belonging, and cultural construction

“Singapore Chinese culture” encompasses three major elements: nation, ethnicity, and culture. Examining the transformation of the Chinese ethnic identity within the context of Singapore’s national history will help us understand the evolution and characteristics of Chinese culture in Singapore.

National identity: From colony to independent nation

Modern Singapore was founded more than 200 years ago. In its history, two crucial years stand out: 1819 and 1965. The former was the year the British established a trading post on the island, while the latter marked the start of the nation’s independence. Singapore is an immigrant society, with the majority of early immigrants being Chinese. Among them, a small portion were local-born Chinese from Malaya (Melaka and Penang), commonly referred to as Baba or Nyonya (the terms “Straits Chinese” and “Peranakan” emerged later). The majority were immigrants, from the southern coastal regions of China, who were commonly known as xinke (“sinkeh”).

Due to differences in when they migrated, the two groups exhibited significant differences in their China consciousness. The Babas had a stronger sense of local identity, while most of the Chinese immigrants from southern China harboured a desire to return to their roots.

In the 19^th century, China and Britain squared off again in Singapore. Both recognised the value and contributions of the local Chinese community. In 1877, the Qing government and the colonial government separately established the Chinese Consulate and the Chinese Protectorate in Singapore, initiating a long-term contest (which lasted until the eve of World War II) to win over the Chinese community. Effective measures included promoting culture and education, organising important state celebrations, implementing the sale of official titles and honours, issuing medals, hosting visits by political figures, and calling for war efforts against the enemies.

Their efforts drew the attention and response of the local Chinese community to the political affairs of both countries. As a result, factions that identified with either China or pledged allegiance to Britain were formed, sowing the seeds of cultural divisions between Chinese-educated/Chinese-speaking groups and English-educated/English-speaking groups.

After World War II, the British Empire dissolved, and the People’s Republic of China was established, followed by the birth of Singapore as an independent nation. Singapore’s history entered a brand-new era, with local Chinese facing unprecedented changes. On one hand, both British and Chinese influences gradually receded and emerging nations demanded the loyalty of their people. On the other hand, the Cold War between superpowers intensified ideological conflicts and exacerbated ethnic tensions, leading to further divisions between ethnic groups and linguistic communities. This also affected the development of Chinese-language education.

By the late 1970s, as political uncertainties gradually dissipated, tensions over Chinese ethnic identity and cultural identification began to ease. However, this period also marked the start of anxiety over cultural disconnection.

Ethnic belonging: Huaqiao (overseas Chinese), Huaren (Chinese), Huayi (Chinese descendant), and Huazu (Chinese ethnic group)

As Singapore transformed from a British colony into an emerging nation-state, the nomenclature used to describe Chinese Singaporeans also underwent changes. During the colonial era, various terms such as tangren (people of the Tang dynasty), zhongguoren (people from China), huaren (Chinese, including Baba or Straits Chinese), and xinke (immigrants from China) were used interchangeably to refer to the Chinese community. The term huaqiao (overseas Chinese) emerged much later, in the 1880s and 1890s, and gained popularity after the 1911 Revolution. Subsequently, it became common to refer to early Chinese immigrants and their descendants as huaqiao.

The majority of Chinese in Singapore also embraced the term huaqiao. This is evident in the naming of institutions such as OCBC Bank (Huaqiao yinhang) and the Chinese High School (Huaqiao zhongxue), now known as Hwa Chong Institution, both founded in 1919.

World War II altered the relationship the Chinese in Singapore had with China and Britain. In 1955, China abolished dual nationality, defining huaqiao as overseas Chinese who held China passports. After the founding of Singapore, the politically-charged term, huaqiao, was seen as inappropriate, and was replaced by huaren.

Since the 1960s, the term huaren has been commonly used in Southeast Asia, while in China, the term waiji huaren (Chinese of foreign nationality) is more prevalent. The shift from huaqiao to huaren represents a transition in national identity. Furthermore, huaren encompasses huaqiao, much like how huarenshi (the history of the ethnic Chinese) includes huaqiaoshi (the history of the overseas Chinese). However, not all huaren can be referred to as huaqiao or wish to be labelled as such.

Outside of mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan, the terms huaren, huayi (Chinese descent), and huazu (Chinese ethnic group) can be used interchangeably. Chinese communities in different countries have their own preferences and customs when it comes to such terminology. The proportion of Chinese populations in various regions often influences national policies, which in turn affects the sense of identity and cultural identification of the Chinese.

For example, among Chinese communities in Singapore and Malaysia, even young people are not accustomed to referring to themselves as huayi xinjiaporen (Singaporeans of Chinese descent) or huayi malaixiyaren (Malaysians of Chinese descent). Instead, they prefer the terms xinjiapo huaren (Chinese Singaporean) and malaixiya huaren (Chinese Malaysian). However, in the United States and Canada, immigrant descendants generally prefer to be called huayi meiguoren (Americans of Chinese descent) or huayi jianandaren (Canadians of Chinese descent). Huayi refers to the descendants of huaqiao and huaren. The term huayi carries a subtle sense of distance or detachment from China.

In academic circles, there is no difference between huazushi (history of the Chinese ethnic group) and huarenshi (history of the ethnic Chinese), but the latter seems to be more common. In the first decade or so after Singapore’s independence, there was a shift in the political climate, and the sensitivity around ethnicity gradually diminished. However, careful handling of inter-ethnic relations remained necessary. Whether it is the national pledge to “pledge ourselves as one united people, regardless of race, language, or religion”, or the CMIO (Chinese, Malay, Indian, Others) framework for multiethnic governance, ethnic relations have always been a focal point of national policy. After the easing of regional tensions following its independence, Singapore’s leaders implemented policies that appreciated the differences between the diverse ethnic groups, and moved from a de-emphasis to an emphasis on ethnic Chinese culture. Within such a multicultural context, the term zu (ethnic group) might be more suitable than ren (people) to refer to the Chinese in Singapore.

Chinese ethnic culture: Inheritance and adaptation, challenges and adjustment

When exploring overseas Chinese society and culture, one cannot overlook its three main pillars: associations, schools, and newspapers. Besides serving social, economic, and educational functions, these pillars also bear the heavy responsibility of cultural transmission.

During the colonial era, clan associations representing different places of origin established Chinese schools and even founded secondary schools and a university that transcended hometown boundaries, building bastions of Chinese culture.

In the 1980s, Chinese-medium schools experienced a decline. Although Chinese community organisations and Chinese-language newspapers also faced setbacks, they subsequently shared the responsibility of safeguarding and promoting traditional Chinese culture.

With the growing sense of national identity and the transformation of ethnic belonging, Singapore Chinese culture continues to evolve. Examining the evolution of cultural development provides insights into its diversification (using Baba/Straits Chinese culture as an example) and the development and characteristics of indigenisation. It also sheds light on the setbacks to its growth and the subsequent revitalisation of Singapore Chinese culture.

Away from its culture of origin, Chinese culture in Singapore faced major challenges from two sources: indigenous cultures and Western culture. Consequently, this led to a cultural hybridisation which facilitated the development of local Chinese culture.

The culture of Baba/Straits Chinese in Singapore is a product of the fusion of Eastern and Western cultures. However, comparatively, the Singapore Babas lack the “Chinese colour” of the Penang Babas, and the “Malay flavour” of the Malacca Babas. Instead, they demonstrate a more pronounced Westernisation.

Straits Chinese educated in English often have a preference for Western theatre, literature, music, and sports. They participated in church activities, organised amateur Western-style clubs, and published English magazines. However, the cultural fabric of Straits Chinese is not purely Westernised. In their households, they conversed in Baba Malay (a mixed language of Hokkien dialect and Malay language). Their intellectuals founded English-medium schools for girls where Chinese was taught. They enjoyed blending Western and Malay popular music in their daily lives. During weddings, funerals, and festive occasions, they might incorporate Hokkien music and Malay instruments. They might adhere even more closely to traditional Chinese customs than typical immigrant families from China.

It is worth mentioning that in the late 19^th century, a group of English-educated Straits Chinese intellectuals initiated a far-reaching movement for the revival of Chinese culture. This movement, known as the Mandarin (Chinese) Movement or Confucian Revival Movement, led the community to “revert from uncultured to cultured”. A century later, as the Chinese school system fell apart and the crisis of losing one’s roots loomed, Singapore political leaders with a pure English education and a Peranakan family background stepped forward to stem the tide. They initiated another wave of Mandarin and Confucianism movements to prevent further cultural erosion. It can be said that under the impact of Western culture, the repeated de-emphasising and emphasising of ethnic Chinese culture and heritage has become a major characteristic of the development of Singapore Chinese culture.

The localised development of Chinese culture in Singapore presents another picture. Chinese immigrants brought with them their native culture, including dialects, customs, nursery rhymes, private schools, temples, and deities. Among them, the intellectuals observed the trend of indigenisation and Westernisation among the descendants of the Chinese, or they worried about the Babas “shifting away from being a Chinese to an indigenised identity and completely changing their essence”, or they feared that students attending English schools would “forget Mandarin… and become uncultured”, so they established Chinese-medium schools to educate their Chinese offspring.

With the efforts of the Chinese Consulate, the constant arrival of intellectuals from China, and the establishment of modern schools, Chinese culture was elevated (refined culture also emerged within small circles, such as Huixianshe [a society for literati], that brought together thousands of poets and scholars), and slowly gained popularity. Subsequently, with the increasing influence of China, Singapore Chinese culture became a offshoot of the culture of China.

As a result, during the colonial era, Chinese culture in Singapore was infused with elements of China. Examples abound, such as the worship of Mazu and Guanyin in temples, Chinese teachers and textbooks in Chinese schools, music and street operas of dialect groups, the Confucian Revival Movement in response to the Reform Movement led by Kang Youwei in China, newspaper formats and literary trends influenced by the May Fourth Movement, as well as Chinese literary and artistic works supporting China’s resistance against Japan, and so on. However, as Chinese culture was transplanted to the Nanyang region and took root, it gradually adapted to the local environment and developed its own unique characteristics. Even as it later became somewhat distant from its land of origin, it continued to grow and demonstrate resilience.

Over a century and a half after its founding, the colonial era in Singapore came to an end and a new nation emerged. During this time, the identity of the Chinese transitioned from huaqiao to huaren, and Chinese culture underwent changes. This transformation occurred gradually before accelerating rapidly. Over the past century, Chinese culture has experienced friction, coexistence, and an oscillation between the consciousness of overseas Chinese and a sense of local identity.

For instance, Chinese school textbooks had traditionally been modelled after those in China. Even those published locally later merely added some Nanyang characteristics. It was not until the 1950s, following the fading of China influence in the overseas Chinese school here, that textbooks shifted from being China-centric to being Malayanised. After independence, they rapidly became Singaporeanised.

Chinese literature is another example. For a long time, China literature dominated the scene, but some scholars argue that from the 1920s to the post-World War II era, it underwent phases of advocating for Nanyang elements and Malayan literature, the rise and fall of local and overseas Chinese consciousness, the ascension of local consciousness and the development of mahua wenxue (Malayan Chinese literature), and the birth of xinhua wenxue (Singapore Chinese literature). In summary, over the past 150 years, the evolution of Singapore Chinese culture has presented a historical trajectory of China-centricity progressing towards localisation, followed by nationalisation.

However, the development of Singapore Chinese culture was not all smooth-sailing after the nation’s founding. In a very short time, Singapore saw a de-emphasis and then emphasis on Chinese culture. Within the framework of national unity, various activities and organisations related to the Chinese language rapidly declined. The number of students in Chinese schools plummeted, newspaper operations faced setbacks, and the functions of clan associations weakened, leading to the trend of “mergers” between Chinese organisations in the 1980s. This change had far-reaching implications for Chinese culture. But just when it seemed beset by crises, opportunities were also emerging.

In the 1970s, there was widespread talk in Confucian economic circles about the economic miracles of Japan and the Four Asian Dragons. In the 1980s, there was an global trend of going back to one’s roots, and Singapore’s national leaders expressed concerns about “decadent” influences from the West. These and other factors provided a favourable environment for the ethnic Chinese in Singapore to reaffirm their Chinese identity and revive traditional culture. Even so, a cultural fracture had already formed, and numerous challenges lay ahead.

Over the years, Chinese culture in Singapore has gone through phases of China-centricity, localisation, and nationalisation, and has been de-emphasised and re-emphasised in turn. We can see these changes in the transformation of clan associations, Chinese schools, and Chinese newspapers, as well as in the evolution of Chinese language, literature, visual arts, music and so on through the decades.