Keramat and datuk worship in the Singapore Chinese community

Chinese religious practices in Singapore, although inspired by ideologies, texts, and ritual practices from China, have proven to be extremely adaptable. These practices have adjusted to resonate with Chinese communities wherever they have settled in the world. The veneration of keramats (pre- and post-Islamic sacred sites) and datuks (personifications of local deities in Malay culture) remains popular among the Chinese in Singapore. These practices can be found wherever the Chinese have settled in Nusantara (the Indonesian term for Maritime Southeast Asia), but are most prominent in the Straits Settlements — Penang, Malacca, and Singapore — where such deities are honoured in both roadside shrines and established temples. Many of these shrines dedicated to keramats and Datuk Gongs also observe Islamic customs, such as avoiding the consumption of pork.

Keramats and datuks

Strictly speaking, keramat and Datuk Gong worship refer to two different practices. Keramats — broadly translated as “sacred objects” or “miracles” — refer to the graves of holy men and women, objects they were associated with during their lifetime, and even other living objects, such as trees, tigers, and crocodiles.¹Across Singapore, several graves and holy sites dedicated to Malay-Muslim individuals continue to proliferate and are visited by Chinese devotees. Although rarely heard of today, the veneration of animals, particularly those characterised as tame and associated with guardian spirits of a place, was not uncommon. In 1960, fishermen from Sungei Kadut and Bukit Panjang would leave a keramat crocodile undisturbed and pray to the animal before they left for work.²

Datuk Gong (male) or Datuk Nenek (female), in contrast, refer to Chinese ways of addressing local deities or guardian spirits that are believed to have Malay-Muslim characteristics. They are often associated and conflated with Chinese deities such as tudigong (lord of the land) or dabogong (earth deity also known as fude zhengshen). However, the distinction between keramat and datuk veneration is fluid, as their definitions can overlap depending on historical and religious contexts. For example, Keramat Syed Abdul Rahman (n.d.), his sister, and his mother on Kusu Island were referred to as “Datuk Gong” and “Datuk Nenek” respectively, showing how these titles were used interchangeably among Chinese devotees.³

A brief history

There is no clear evidence as to when the Chinese started venerating keramats and datuks in Singapore, although these practices have persisted to this day. In early colonial Singapore, John Crawfurd (1783–1868) noted that a structure had been erected over the tomb of Iskandar Shah (1370–1424，known as the founder of Malacca): “a rude structure has been raised…to which Mohammedans, Hindus, and Chinese, equally resort to do homage”, arriving to venerate the keramat.⁴The worshippers were predominantly Chinese, with records showing that Stamford Raffles’ (1781–1826) secretary had urged Colonel William Farquhar (1774–1839) to stop them from setting off fireworks in the area.⁵

During the 1950s, anthropologist Alan J. A. Elliot (birth and death years unknown) also documented datuk worship through spirit-mediums.⁶ He found that though many keramats historically existed on the island of Singapore, most have vanished. For instance, the Indian-Muslim Keramat Bismillah Wali (Upper Changi Road), which once had a following that rivalled that of Habib Noh among Chinese and non-Chinese devotees alike, was reclaimed for redevelopment projects by 1979.⁷

Several keramats, however, remain popular sites for pilgrimage and worship among the Chinese community in Singapore. The Kusu Island pilgrimage, for instance, remains popular to this day. Devotees abstain from pork on the day of their visit and climb the hill to venerate the keramat at the top after paying their respects to the dabogong on the island. According to Hokkien community leader Cheang Hong Lim (1841–1893), pilgrimages to the island during the ninth lunar month were prevalent and continued to form the heart of bustling activities.⁸

Reasons for worship

There are many reasons why keramats and Datuk Gongs are venerated among the Chinese. Often, devotees are drawn to the deities for their reputation for performing miracles. For example, the Arabian Haradmi Keramat Habib Noh (1788–1866) was renowned for performing many miracles for his devotees in his lifetime, attracting not only Indian Muslims but also a steady Chinese following. Oral accounts note that he enjoyed watching operas at the nearby Hock Teck See temple at the foot of the hill on Palmer Road, where his keramat stands today.⁹Today, many Chinese devotees of the temple make donations to the mosque and keramat building next door after making their offerings at the dabogong temple.

The diverse symbols found in keramat and datuk worship are a testament to Singapore’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious nature and its rich tapestry of different belief systems. The renovation of the Kusu Keramat, for example, was partly funded by Chinese tycoon Ong Chwee Tow (fl. 1920s, birth and death years unknown) after one of the female keramats allegedly communicated with him through Chinese male spirit-medium He Mingfa (birth and death years unknown), based along Rangoon Road in Singapore. The shrine’s prominence is reflected in the multilingual inscriptions — in Chinese, Arabic, and Malay — on its stone stelae.¹⁰ It is also noteworthy that not all datuks were Malay or Indian-Muslim. For example, the German Girl Shrine on Pulau Ubin pays tribute to an unidentified German girl, as its name suggests, though it is also referred to as Lady Nadu.¹¹

Sociologists have examined the datuk phenomenon as a reflection of inter-ethnic exchanges in the broader Malay world, where practitioners of Chinese religion have carved out a niche for the ethnic Chinese in a predominantly Malay-Muslim environment. This integration allows them to interact meaningfully within a cosmological system that resonates with their beliefs.¹²In these hybrid spiritual environments, predominantly characterised by inter-ethnic exchanges, it is not uncommon for deities from other religious backgrounds, such as Ganesha, to be venerated alongside Chinese tudigong, dabogong, and Datuk Gong. A prime example is the Loyang Tua Pek Kong, which features three separate sanctums and shrines dedicated to each of these deities.¹³

Representations of Datuk Gongs

It is hard to clearly categorise the manifestations of Datuk Gongs as they are represented in many different forms, much like keramats. Several Datuk Gong shrines in the region spanning Changi, Siglap, and Kembangan, for example, are associated with natural phenomena like trees, recognisable by the yellow cloth they are wrapped in or by their yellow altars. They can also appear as unusually shaped rocks or other distinctive natural features. For example, the Datuk Gong at Ting Kong Temple in Telok Blangah is represented by an ornately carved ceramic tile, whereas the one at Chong Ghee Temple in Sengkang takes the form of an anthropomorphised rock adorned with garlands.

In some Chinese temples, a deity image resembling dabogong dressed in Malay attire, like a songkok or sarong, may also be dedicated to the Datuk Gong, reflecting how local Chinese devotees view these deities as indigenous entities. Islamic symbols and architecture are also often incorporated into these altars, such as crescent and star motifs and onion domes.

Several Datuk Gongs are viewed as local deities who safeguard their respective areas and their patrons and followers. For example, the Punggol Datuk Gong shrine, which was built during the ongoing construction of a nearby bus interchange, initially faced several issues during its redevelopment. Consequently, an altar was erected nearby to relocate the deity, and was later accompanied by an image of Ganesha. Similarly, at Jiutiaoqiao Xinba Nadutan, dabogong and Ganesha are enshrined in the temple’s main hall, while a separate chamber was built for the Datuk Gong, featuring a cave-like setting with a waterfall, model turtles, and Malay clothing.¹⁴In Toa Payoh Central, the Ci En Ge altar was believed to be a Datuk Gong shrine due to the yellow cloth wrapped around the tree growing there. This tree was believed to have stopped machinery from removing it during Toa Payoh’s redevelopment. Today, the secondary Datuk Gong shrine has been established within the tree’s roots, which have grown into the cement of the altar itself.

Not all Chinese temples originally featured a Datuk Gong, though certain events can lead to the establishment of such shrines. In Kim San Tze temple in Jalan Ulu Siglap, a temple elder recounted how the temple only added a Datuk Gong shrine when a Peranakan spirit-medium, speaking on behalf of the deity, persistently requested for one to be built within the temple. His visits only ceased when the deity was enshrined. Similarly, the Tian Teck Keng temple — originally devoted to the Third Prince Nezha and previously located at Balestier — honoured the local datuk. After the temple relocated, the Third Prince instructed his devotees via a spirit-medium to welcome his friend — the datuk from Balestier — to the new premises. In both cases, the erection of shrines for these deities demonstrates how they were seen as both an integral part of the local community but still flexible and mobile enough to relocate when necessary.

Keramat and datuk veneration are prominent aspects of Chinese religion in Singapore, reflecting the island’s unique position at the crossroads of South, East, and Southeast Asia. Despite some no longer being active, the worship of Datuk Gong and keramat underscores the region’s multicultural interactions and religious practices. The integration of these elements into Chinese religion demonstrates the adaptability and inclusiveness of local traditions. Both Datuk Gong and keramat exemplify how Chinese communities in Singapore have embraced and respected the spiritual traditions of their neighbours, weaving a rich tapestry of shared cultural and religious practices.