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Generally, art activities in Singapore had tended to be divided along ethnic and linguistic lines until after the war, when a more multicultural consciousness emerged. Here we trace the development of art in Singapore back to its formative years, with a special focus on the Chinese in the context of Singapore’s multiracial and multicultural society.
The story begins a few decades into the founding of modern Singapore, when the colonial British, Straits-born Chinese and China-born Chinese pursued art quite independently of each other. Discrete as these groupings might be in terms of their organisation and activities, there were occasional interactions between them over the years.
The first Chinese painting studio was established in Singapore in 1849 by Lam Qua or Kwan Kiu Cheong (1801–1860), a celebrated artist from Canton, who placed a newspaper advertisement in The Straits Times offering portrait services in oil and watercolour at a place “adjoining the New Carriage Bridge” (now known as Elgin Bridge). Another advertisement in Thien Nam Sin Pao, placed by a company in 1898, claimed to have offered seal carving and calligraphy services for over three decades in the vicinity of South Bridge Road — meaning that its operations would have begun around 1868. Chinese photographers from Canton and Shanghai, previously employed as painters, became active in Singapore and the Malay Archipelago as early as the 1840s, and arrived in greater numbers in the second half of the 19th century.
An art group called Sketching Club is known to have been formed by Lieutenant Colonel Taylor (birth and death years unknown) and his sister between 1878 and 1881. It mounted an exhibition in 1882 under its new name, the Singapore Art Club. Likely established exclusively for British residents, it subsequently invited artists from an art group known as the Amateur Drawing Association (ADA) to participate in its competitions in 1919. The ADA was a Peranakan organisation dedicated to drawing, literary pursuits and physical culture, established in Amoy Street in 1909 by a group of Straits-born Chinese keen to promote art.
The more educated among those who arrived from China at that time were concerned about the low literacy and cultural levels of the rapidly growing population. To address this, Tso Ping Lung (1850–1924), China’s first Consulate-General in Singapore from 1881 to 1891, established the Huixian she (Celestial Reasoning Association) to encourage the Chinese to improve their English through debates. Tso’s successor Huang Tsun Hsien (1848–1905), who served from 1891 to 1894, continued with the effort of the society under a new name Tu Nan she (literally “advancing the South society”). Later, poet and reformer Khoo Seok Wan (1874–1941) established the Lize she (Society of Mutual Learning) to improve the appreciation of culture and the arts.
Singapore’s earliest known ink painting came in the form of a Chinese album with a portrait of Khoo Seok Wan, painted by Teochew artist Yu Tao in 1898 and titled Fengyue qinzun tu, or, “Picture of a man playing the zither over a bottle of wine on a breezy moonlit night”. It was a typical romanticised setting for a scholar-poet to express himself in the literati tradition. In this case, Khoo had commissioned the work to reflect his disillusionment with the failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform in China in 1898.
Khoo Seok Wan, the founder of Chinese-language newspaper Thien Nam Sin Pao, enthusiastically promoted calligraphy by publishing classic examples for wider circulation apart from introducing them in his newspaper. A poet, journalist and keen collector of paintings and epigraphic works, Khoo became a staunch promoter of this literati art form during the end of the 19th century and early 20th century. As reflected in newspaper reports during this period, it was common for many artists arriving from China to place advertisements offering to sell their paintings and calligraphic services in order to raise funds for their travel expenses. This was often on the advice of editors who were themselves art aficionados.
The practice of artists selling calligraphic and seal-carving services through advertisements in the newspapers, common in the late 19th century and beginning of the 20th century, reflected a real demand for works such as shop signs, couplets and interior decorations for commercial buildings as well as private homes. Seal stones that were essential for business documents and correspondence had to be carved by calligraphers skilled in the highly specialised epigraphic art. As business activities expanded, the demand for more sophisticated calligraphic and seal-carving skills also grew.
In 1906, there was a studio offering painting lessons in watercolour, oil and charcoal by Soo Pun Ting, a well-known artist and photographer in South Bridge Road. Soo advertised regularly in The Singapore Free Press, offering lessons in drawing and painting at $15 per month and $150 for the complete course. The advertisement on some days listed the names of those who had passed the examination. From the list we could tell that most of them were Chinese people who spoke Cantonese, Teochew, Hainanese, Hokkien and Hakka. Some were women, and there were also one Portuguese and one Malay student.
Education in Chinese schools also helped shape the development of art in Singapore from the 19th century to early 20th century. Early Chinese private schools followed the traditional curriculum from China consisting of Confucian classics, calligraphy and zhusuan (arithmetic with the abacus). The later schools continued to teach calligraphy. One might assume that the rigorous daily drill of writing characters with ink and brush in school — under teachers proficient in calligraphy — would have led pupils to imbibe the rich visual culture of the Chinese tradition from an early age.
The teaching of art in the early Chinese schools was an important part of art activities as the Chinese community was beginning to set up schools for their children. Education in Chinese schools also helped shape the development of art in Singapore from the 19th century to early 20th century.
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The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce & Industry (SCCCI), initially named The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, was established in 1906. The background of its establishment can be understood from three aspects: the arrival of the British and the formation of Singapore’s immigrant society, the modernisation policies of the late Qing period, and the attitude of the British colonial government.
1. Arrival of the British and formation of Singapore’s immigrant society
When the British first arrived in Singapore in 1819, their pro-trade policies and establishment of a free port system successfully attracted merchants from various regions to conduct trade. At the same time, a large number of Chinese labourers were recruited to contribute to the development of the colony’s economy. By the early 20th century, Singapore had already developed the prototype of an open, diverse immigrant society.
The Chinese merchants who engaged in local business, notably entrepôt trade, became wealthy and gradually emerged as a dominant group in Singapore’s Chinese community, ascending to leadership positions. These wealthy merchants expanded their social status and influence locally, playing a pivotal role in the region and fostering a strong, emerging Chinese business community. As the business environment and societal demands became more complex, local Chinese merchants felt it necessary to establish a business association to strengthen cooperation among themselves in order to provide better services to the business community.
2. Modernisation policies of the late Qing period
After the Opium Wars, the Qing government was forced to sign unequal treaties. Humiliated, the Qing government sought to restore its country’s image and strengthen its military. The Qing government thus initiated modernisation policies in China, emphasising the development of industry and commerce. Specifically, in 1903, the Qing court established the Ministry of Commerce with the aim of “opening up commercial relations, uniting organisations, and revitalising industries”, leading to the establishment of chambers of commerce both domestically and overseas.
In 1904, the Qing government appointed the prominent Nanyang merchant Chang Pi Shih (also known as Cheong Fatt Tze or Zhang Bishi, 1841–1916) as the Chinese Imperial Commissioner for investigating Commercial Affairs in Foreign Countries to oversee the establishment of chambers of commerce in various places in Nanyang.
In late 1905, Chang arrived in Singapore. He proposed the establishment of a Chinese chamber of commerce at a banquet held at the Thong Chai Medical Institution, even personally donating 3,000 yuan as the seed fund for the establishment. The various leaders of the overseas Chinese present at the banquet all agreed with the initiative.
On 22 February 1906, after numerous meetings and discussions, local Chinese businessmen drafted the provisional charter for the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce. It was officially named “Xinjiapo Zhonghua Shangwu Zonghui” (Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce) 1, with over 600 Chinese businessmen signing up for membership. On 16 March, the Chamber voted in an election to form its first council of 52 members. Ultimately, Hokkien businessman Goh Siew Tin and his Teochew counterpart Tan Hoon Chew were appointed as the President and Vice-President respectively.
3. Attitude of the British colonial government
Finally, the British colonial government also adopted a positive attitude towards the establishment of the Chamber of Commerce. This can be seen from the fact that the colonial government received the exemption from registration application from the Chamber on 6 April 1906 and approved it just one month later. The colonial government welcomed the emergence of a new cross-dialect representative body among the local Chinese business community, seeing it as a bridge that would facilitate communication and cooperation between the Chinese community and the government.
The submission of the exemption from registration application in 1906 also illustrated the local Chinese merchants were familiar with the administrative mechanism of the colonial government, as they used legal means to safeguard the rights and interests of the Chinese business community. The colonial government’s swift approval of this request likewise demonstrated its trust in the Chamber of Commerce.
From this perspective, the establishment of the Chamber of Commerce played an important role for both the Qing court and the British colonial government, in which both sides hoped to gain the support and loyalty of the Chamber of Commerce. The colonial government’s attitude towards the Chamber of Commerce opened up a new dynamic between politics and business in the local community.
For the Qing dynasty, the Chamber of Commerce was not just an overseas private business group; it represented the Qing government’s innovative political endeavour. The Chamber of Commerce had multiple functions, including conveying policies as an intermediary, fundraising for disaster relief; attracting investments; and promoting China-made products, education, and cultural activities. With both the Qing government and the government of the Republic of China seeking to maintain ties with the Singapore Chinese community, the role of the Chamber of Commerce was crucial.
For the local Chinese community, the establishment of the Chamber of Commerce symbolised the ability of Chinese businessmen to adapt to the trends of the times and create a novel organisation to meet internal and external needs. It also signified the first local cross-dialect and cross-trade business body, which attempted to fulfil the roles of “uniting the community, creating business opportunities, and striving for the welfare of the people”. It was key in representing the Chinese community in mediating between the Chinese and British and, by extension, safeguarding the rights of the local Chinese.
The Chamber of Commerce maintained good relations with the British colonial government in Singapore before independence. It received visits from members of the British royal family, organised celebrations for the coronation of the British monarch, supported the purchase of British government bonds, raised funds for disaster relief in Commonwealth countries, and participated in discussions on legislation related to the rights of local Chinese people. It also assisted in maintaining social order and stability in local society.
In summary, local Chinese merchants established the Chamber of Commerce at the beginning of the 20th century with the aim of shaping a new social order in colonial society, navigating the complex and intricate relationships between the local Chinese community, the overseas Chinese government, and the colonial government.
For over a century, the Chamber bore witness to Singapore’s development and exerted its influence at every stage, from the British colonial period, to the Pacific War, to Singapore’s self-governance and merger with Malaya, and finally to its independence and nation-building years.
In 1966, Singapore’s founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (1923–2015) once said, “The history of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce is a reflection of the history of Singapore”, summarising the Chamber’s journey in its early days and highlighting its ongoing mission to keep pace with the times.
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In the early post-World War II period, the Chinese community in Singapore experienced a revival. Chinese schools resumed operations, and many Chinese newspapers were republished or newly launched. These post-war Chinese newspapers can be divided into the following stages, according to historical background and other factors.
From a historical perspective, the decade after World War II was a period of turbulence for China as it transitioned from civil war to a change in political power. This decade was also a prelude to constitutional autonomy for Singapore, after it regained power from the British colonial government. Nationalism was on the rise and there was a growing aspiration for independence. Politically active journalists expressed their views using newspapers as a platform.
During this period, newspapers varied in their political leanings. Some leaned towards the left, some were anti-communist, others were centre-left or right-leaning, and some had little political overtones. For example, newspapers such as Nanyang Siang Pau, Sin Chew Daily, Wah Kiu Yat Po (Overseas Chinese Daily News), Gong Bao, and Yi Shi Bao claimed to be impartial, but in reality still bore China’s influence. Politically, they leant towards the centre-right or centre-left.
Another category consisted of newspapers with a strong mainland Chinese or local political consciousness, such as Xin Min Zhu Bao, Nan Chiau Jit Pau, Nan Qiao Wan Bao, and Chong Shing Yit Pao.
Newspapers like Nan Fang Wan Bao, Nan Yang Wan Bao, Min Bao (The Chinese Times), and Xin Sheng Ri Bao (The New Life Daily News) attracted readers with their unique characteristics, but had little political consciousness.1
In the pre-war and early post-war period, publishers, journalists, and readers of Chinese newspapers in Singapore had a strong mainland Chinese consciousness, which was evident from the language used in their headlines and commentaries. During this time, terms like “motherland”, “our country”, and “national flag” referred to China. However, after 1949, there was a significant shift in China’s political ideology. Overseas Chinese came under scrutiny during a series of political campaigns such as the Three-Anti and Five-Anti Campaigns.
The Chinese Communist Party government also encouraged overseas Chinese to settle down and be loyal to the local government. As Singapore gradually moved towards autonomy and independence from the 1950s onwards, the Chinese community began to fight for citizenship rights under the leadership of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce.
During this period, Chinese-language newspapers gradually shifted from being pro-China to encouraging loyalty to one’s country of residence. Newspapers actively supported the citizenship rights movement, encouraging readers to register as voters and consider their place of residence as their primary homeland. They also began to pay attention to and participate in local politics.
In 1965, after separating from Malaysia and becoming an independent nation, Singapore actively pursued educational reforms by implementing a policy of bilingualism. Chinese-medium schools began to decline, along with readership of Chinese-language newspapers. As a result, the Chinese newspaper industry gradually shifted from confidence to concern. The rise and fall of the Chinese language and Chinese-medium education became a source of worry for the Chinese press and the Chinese community.
During this period, Shin Min Daily News was founded in 1967. The newspaper was jointly set up by local businessman Leong Yun Chee (1897–1971) and the well-known Hong Kong journalist, Jin Yong (Louis Cha Leung-yung, 1924–2018). The newspaper focused more on social news, and was presented in a lively, relaxed way. Its supplements also featured martial arts novels by Jin Yong, which made it quite popular among the general public. Its sales volume could even rival that of newspapers like Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh.
In the 1970s, the Singapore government implemented a policy promoting the use of simplified Chinese characters. As a result, newspapers like Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh gradually transitioned to using simplified Chinese characters, which they fully adopted by the 1980s. In 1979, both newspapers also switched to horizontal Chinese script, marking a historic reform. On 15 March 1983, the long-standing Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh were merged under government guidance to form the Nanyang-Sin Chew Lianhe Zaobao. At the same time, Lianhe Wanbao was published, ushering in a new chapter for Chinese-language newspapers.
In the 1980s, amid a backdrop of rapid change in the international environment, society in Singapore continued to evolve. The language reforms implemented in the early 1950s began to show their effects. Chinese education experienced a decline, Chinese-medium schools became history, and the readership of Chinese newspapers continued to shrink.
Chinese newspapers struggled to survive. Under government guidance, the Chinese and English newspaper industries were integrated to establish Singapore Press Holdings. After pooling resources, Lianhe Zaobao, together with Lianhe Wanbao and Shin Min Daily News, took on the mission of building cohesion in the Chinese community, promoting the Chinese language and imparting Chinese culture.
To achieve this, the three newspapers focused on traditional journalistic quality, ensuring professionalism in news reporting and diversity in supplements. But they also engaged in Chinese literature, art, and cultural activities. This included organising literary camps, the Golden Lion Awards, and hosting Chinese book fairs, Chinese cultural festivals, and other projects.2
In 1995, Lianhe Zaobao launched its digital edition, becoming one of the earliest Chinese newspapers worldwide to go digital. This expanded its market to China and established its presence beyond Singapore.3 In 2021, Lianhe Wanbao merged with Shin Min Daily News, and the unified newspaper was sold under the name of Shin Min Daily News.
Compared to before the war, there are fewer Chinese newspapers in Singapore today. But in terms of quality, today’s newspapers surpass their predecessors. In the face of the decline of Chinese education and shrinking readership, Chinese newspapers that survived managed to cultivate new generations of journalists. In an era where the influence of social media is becoming increasingly significant, the establishment of the government-led SPH Media Trust in 2021 is the Singapore government and civil society’s recognition of the contributions of the Chinese newspaper industry.
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Since its establishment in 1906, the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce & Industry (SCCCI) has been the apex body of Singapore’s Chinese business community. Before World War II, it played a vital role in unifying dialect groups, opening up business opportunities, and speaking up for the people. After Singapore gained independence, SCCCI leaned heavily into its role of promoting the development of commerce in Singapore, and its influence continues to this day.
Over the past century, the Chamber has always adhered to the “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit”, contributing in the areas of politics, economy, education and culture in Singapore. In 2017, SCCCI’s 59th Council emphasised this “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit” as the cornerstone of its development.1It identified “integrity, loyalty, giving back, and innovation” as core values underpinning this.2
The installation of the 61st Council of SCCCI was held in March 2022. Building on the “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit”, it used 10 Chinese characters to sum up the organisation’s core values: “patriotism”, “integrity”, “legacy”, “innovation” and “uniting businesses”.3 That same year, when SCCCI held an opening ceremony for a newly-renovated building, then Prime Minister Lee Hsien Long presented a wooden plaque inscribed with the words “integrity as the foundation”, “loyalty to the nation”, “innovation at the forefront”, and “giving back to the people” — encouraging SCCCI to continue its contributions to society and the country.
Following its establishment, the SCCCI, representing the business community, spoke up several times against the British colonial government’s intention to implement an income tax. During the Great Depression in the 1930s, SCCCI petitioned the colonial government to set up artisan factories to accommodate the unemployed who had lost their jobs. It also urged the authorities to set up large manufacturing factories to shelter workers with stable jobs, which would benefit the local business community.
After World War II, SCCCI helped businesses report to the colonial government their wartime losses and compensation amounts. It also opposed the rice ration and the new income tax policy, as it wanted the local economy to recover faster. SCCCI led the citizenship movement from 1947 to 1957 — wrestling with the colonial government for citizenship rights for the people, and encouraging local residents to sink their roots in the community.
When Singapore obtained the status of self-governing state in 1959, SCCCI organised a Singapore Constitution Exposition which attracted over 300,000 visitors — making it the largest exposition ever held in South East Asia. This suggested that the local Chinese business community had faith in the SCCCI’s leadership, supported Singapore’s self-governance, and identified with its political position.
After Singapore achieved independence in 1965, SCCCI set up a Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce Foundation to award scholarships to students with outstanding grades. SCCCI fully supported the government’s push for industrialization and led the business community in helping the country modernise. SCCCI also organised business missions to encourage members to strengthen their overseas connections and boost international trade. When the government announced the introduction of National Service in 1967, SCCCI offered its full support, helping with publicity and registration. In 1968, the SCCCI helped raise more than $1.23 million for the National Defence Fund for the government.
In the 1970s, SCCCI worked closely with Singapore government, businesses, and multinationals to bring an end to an unreasonable contract system: through their negotiations, they succeeded in breaking the monopoly that various Western-controlled shipping conferences had over shipping. This led to lower freight rates, and brought benefits to the business community.
In the 1980s, SCCCI — anticipating upcoming trends — started a microcomputer centre. It also set up a training centre offering a variety of courses to people from all walks of life. This was converted into The Singapore Chinese Chamber Institute of Business in the 1990s. SCCCI went on to launch the World Chinese Entrepreneurs Convention and the SME Conference in the 1990s — encouraging the Singapore business community to expand its network globally, and local small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to enter the era of computers and the Internet.
In August 1991, SCCCI organised the inaugural World Chinese Entrepreneurs Convention. The aim was to establish a global business network for Chinese businessmen around the world to strengthen their business ties with each other. Chinese business organisations from around the world take turns to host the convention, which is a biennial event.
In 2004, SCCCI and the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations jointly established the Chinese Language and Culture Fund to support projects that helped raise the standards of Chinese and promote Chinese culture. In 2006, SCCCI established the Enterprise Development Centre and held the Trade Association Congress for the first time to integrate information from various industries and share resources. In 2007, SCCCI supported the set up of Business China, an organisation initiated by the government, that would further its efforts to cultivate bilingual and bicultural local talent.
Since setting up its first overseas representative office in Shanghai in 2010, SCCCI has gone on to establish a presence in other Chinese cities such as Chongqing, Chengdu and Nanjing — serving as an important bridge between local businesses, governments and overseas markets. In 2017, SCCCI established the Trade Association (TA) Hub, a platform for local businesses in different fields to collaborate and work to transform themselves. During the COVID-19 pandemic, SCCCI worked closely with the government to support the needy through donations and in kind assistance. Furthermore, it has set up a Singapore Import Pavilion in Shanghai to help members expand their business.
SCCCI has been keeping pace with the times — be it through the approach it takes with its work plans, or in the way it implements the “Chinese entrepreneurial spirit”. It continues to further its legacy and fulfil its mission and vision.
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On 2 December 1984, a seminar on the Chinese clan associations of Singapore was held, breaking the years of silence that had prevailed among local clan associations. Jointly initiated by nine associations, the seminar affirmed the social functions of clan associations and proposed 10 initiatives regarding how these organisations could play more active roles in the new era. They were the Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan, Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan, Singapore Kwangtung Association, Singapore Foochow Association, Nanyang Khek Community Guild (now known as Nanyang Hakka Federation), Kiung Chow Hwee Kuan (now known as Singapore Hainan Hwee Kuan), Sam Kiang Huay Kwan, Singapore Chin Kang Huay Kuan, and Singapore Hui Ann Association.
Following the seminar, a pro-tem committee for the formation of the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA) was put together by seven of the nine associations. Together, they raised $400,000 for the Federation’s general funds and officially registered SFCCA on 27 August 1986, when its first general meeting was held.
The four main objectives of SFCCA were:
Today, SFCCA has approximately 245 members, of which 18 are associate members, including Chinese community organisations such as arts and cultural groups and alumni associations.
Over the years, SFCCA has organised activities for its members and the general public with the aim of shaping a unique Singapore Chinese culture. These activities can be divided into four major categories: festivals, cultural performances, academic seminars, and publications.
The Federation’s first president was Wee Cho Yaw (1929–2024), chairman emeritus of United Overseas Bank, and management was divided into the council and the working committee. The first council (1986–1988) consisted of nine members from across the seven clan associations involved. The working committee under the council was made up of five groups: administrative, publishing, cultural, academic, and a managing committee for SFCCA’s resource centres. Its main task was to propose activities and put them into action.
In October 2010, Chua Thian Poh, founder and chief executive of Ho Bee Group, took over as president and introduced a slew of initiatives in keeping with the times. These included setting up scholarships; giving out “Clan of the Year” awards; establishing the Singapore Chinese Cultural Centre; producing new magazines such as Oneness on top of the existing Yuan magazine; as well as publishing books such as A General History of the Chinese in Singapore in both English and Chinese.
Tan Aik Hock, chairman of the Singapore Lam Ann Association, assumed the role of the third president in 2018. Three years later, in September 2021, Thomas Chua Kee Seng, then-president of Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan, took office as SFCCA’s fourth and current president. In an interview with Lianhe Zaobao, Chua said that while SFCCA’s original goal was to promote traditional Chinese culture, the Federation would also continue to play its role in fostering racial harmony, and strengthening the relationship and communication between Chinese community organisations and the government.
SFCCA now comprises six executive committees: Member Affairs Committee, Social Affairs Committee, Cultural Committee, Research Committee, Youth Committee, and Property Committee. Each committee has between 10 and 13 members. New immigrants are represented in these committees, giving them an avenue to integrate into local mainstream society by participating in the activities of the association — in line with the government’s integration policy.
As Chinese clan associations continue to transform and innovate, the Federation is formulating new strategies based on five principles: modernisation of concepts, professionalisation of management, rejuvenation of organisations, diversification of activities, and institutionalisation of systems. On top of these, the Federation is advocating three forms of renewal: repositioning, readjustment, and redevelopment. In essence, the SFCCA has gradually transformed itself into a significant organisation that promotes and passes down local Chinese culture.
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China’s economic reform and introduction of its open door policy in 1978 started a new wave of overseas emigration. As a result, the term “new immigrants” emerged to distinguish this group from two major types of pre-war immigrants: Chinese merchants and labourers. After establishing diplomatic relations with China in 1990, Singapore expanded its close cross-border economic and trade ties with China. This included welcoming a significant number of new immigrants and integrating them into various sectors of the local community.
In mainstream Singapore Chinese society today, the majority of the population are descendants of immigrants who arrived before World War II, primarily originating from Guangdong and Fujian provinces. Their traditional ancestral origins are categorised into five major dialect groups: Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka, and Hainanese. The new immigrants came from a more diverse range of hometowns that spanned various regions across China, including both the northern and southern regions, as well as coastal and inland areas. The industries in which these new immigrants in Singapore were involved similarly had a more diverse profile, going beyond just the industrial and commercial landscape.
Early Chinese community organisations were mostly formed and developed around the five major dialect groups and could be divided into three main categories: geography, blood ties, and occupation. During the British colonial era, their functions were quite comprehensive — they played a significant role in addressing the needs of the local Chinese community and promoting the process of localisation while maintaining connections with their homeland.
After Singapore’s independence in 1965, many functions of Chinese community organisations were gradually handed over to government agencies. As the identity of the local Chinese population became more diverse, the number of cross-dialect and cross-ethnic organisations increased. Some smaller community organisations began to decline in the 1980s, as they faced challenges in attracting new members and grappled with the issue of an ageing membership.
After 1990, the arrival of new Chinese immigrants revitalised the landscape of Chinese community organisations. In the era of globalisation, new immigrant groups have used the internet and social media to introduce the purpose and objectives of their organisations to galvanise their members.
The earliest and largest new immigrant associations in Singapore were the Singapore Tian Fu Association and the Hua Yuan Association. The former was established in 2001, while the establishment of the Hua Yuan Association followed a year later. Both groups saw broad representation, with members coming from diverse backgrounds. While the core membership of the Tian Fu Association was initially made up of immigrants originating from Sichuan, immigrants from other backgrounds were welcome to apply for membership. Similarly, the Hua Yuan Association was open to all new immigrants from China.
Other than these two organisations, the majority of new immigrant groups were distinguished by geography and province, facilitating the integration of people from the same hometown. These include organisations like the Tian Fu Association, Shaanxi Association, Jinshang Business Club (Singapore), Guizhou Association Singapore, Shandong Association Singapore, and Jiangsu Association Singapore. In contrast, many early traditional community organisations were organised at the county level, such as the Ann Kway Association and Poon Yue Association.
Additionally, a considerable number of the new Chinese immigrant community organisations are alumni associations, reflecting the higher levels of education among new immigrants. These include the alumni associations of Shanghai Jiao Tong University, Tsinghua University, and Peking University. Prior to the 1990s, such alumni associations were not as common, and even less so in the pre-World War II era, when Chinese community organisations primarily comprised merchants and labourers.
As both the board members and members of organisations established by new Chinese immigrants in Singapore were first-generation immigrants, they were enthusiastic about promoting group activities and have undoubtedly established a fresh dynamic in the landscape of social organisations in Singapore. Not only did these groups consist of members with relatively high educational backgrounds, they also operated in diverse ways.
To facilitate integration into local society, new immigrant groups continue to actively collaborate with the government and mainstream society to foster cross-cultural and cross-ethnic interactions, such as by organising charity events. In the context of a rising China, these groups also naturally strive to promote transnational networks and economic and trade relations between Singapore and China. As a result, there is also richer cultural exchange between the two countries.
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In 1921, A. L. Birch (birth and death years unknown), a European electrical engineer from Johor, brought the first radio system to Malaya, marking the beginning of private radio broadcasting experiments in the country. In 1923, Birch gathered European amateur radio enthusiasts like himself to form Johor Wireless Society (1923–1924), the first of its kind in Malaya. In 1924, the Singapore Wireless Society was also established.
In May 1933, the colonial authorities granted the first broadcasting licence to the Radio Service Company of Malaya. The broadcasting studio of the company’s radio station, Z.H.I., was located next to its storefront on No. 2 Orchard Road. Z.H.I. was an amateur radio station that aired weekly on Monday, Wednesday, Thursday evening, and Sunday morning to the whole of Malaya. Although this was the first stable radio broadcast in the country, its audience was limited to the middle and upper classes of the European community. Radio experiments were expensive and not only required the purchase or rental of transmitting equipment, but also a registration licence issued by the colonial government for the use of wireless equipment. Furthermore, it was necessary to buy expensive receivers in order to obtain this licence, which itself cost five dollars. These factors prevented radio from becoming a part of people’s daily lives at the time.
On 21 July 1935, the first commercial broadcasting station was established in Singapore when the colonial government’s Postal and Telegraph Department granted a broadcasting licence to the British Malaya Broadcasting Corporation (BMBC). At the end of 1963, Z.H.I.’s broadcasting licence was terminated, resulting in BMBC’s access to exclusive broadcasting rights in Singapore.
To ensure that other electronic devices in the city did not interfere with radio signals, BMBC intentionally set up their office and medium-wave transmitters at Caldecott Hill on Thompson Road. The corporation began broadcasting under the call sign ZHL in March 1937, and the station was on air for 36 hours a week by 1938. In addition to English broadcasts which catered mainly to the European community, Radio ZHL also introduced one-hour music programmes in Chinese, Malay, and Tamil for local listeners. The first Chinese programme director was Sze Chu Sian (1910–1990).
At the end of the 1930s, though World War II was in full swing in Europe, Malaya had not yet been directly affected by the war and broadcasting was still seen as a British tool for propaganda in the Far East. As such, the British colonial government acquired BMBC on 2 March 1940 and rebranded it as the Malaya Broadcasting Corporation (MBC). Under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Information, MBC continued to provide broadcasting services to Singapore and the Federated Malay States. Radio broadcasting in Singapore then entered a new phase in its development after it was officially taken over by national institutions.
MBC grew steadily under the leadership of director Eric Davis (1906–unknown). Besides training a large number of Asian employees, four new radio transmitters were installed at Caldecott Hill in the transmitting station previously owned by BMBC to provide a more stable broadcasting service to Singapore and the Malayan Peninsula. At the same time, MBC relocated its broadcasting studio and office to Cathay Building, and introduced multilingual news segments in its daily broadcast. On top of 12 English-language and nine Chinese-language (including dialects) news segments, current affairs were also reported in other languages such as Malay, Tamil, French, Arabic, and Dutch.
When the war broke out in 1942, a group of MBC staff retreated to India and Jakarta to continue broadcasting mere days before the Japanese occupied Singapore. The broadcasting facilities in Singapore were later taken over by the Japanese and renamed Syonan Hoso Kyoku. During the Japanese Occupation of 1942 to 1945, the radio station was used to broadcast Japanese propaganda.
After the Japanese surrendered in September 1945, MBC was immediately taken over by the British Military Administration (Malaya) and underwent restructuring. In 1946, the administration established the Department of Broadcasting to oversee broadcasting works in the whole of Malaya. In April of the same year, Radio Malaya was formed to broadcast news regarding the Commonwealth of Nations to the people of Malaya, educate the public, and provide entertainment. The station’s headquarters was in Singapore, while branch offices were set up in Penang, Malacca, and Kuala Lumpur. Operation and management responsibilities were shared between the colonial government of Singapore and the Malayan Union government. In a bid to address the shortage of teaching resources in post-war times, Radio Malaya also set up a school division in January 1946 to produce educational radio programmes for classroom teaching in schools of different language streams.1
In 1950, during the state of emergency, the colonial government’s Emergency Information Service began broadcasting special programmes to rural communities and new villages. Radio Malaya’s Mandarin, English, Malay, and Tamil programmes also gradually Malayanised in line with the government’s efforts during the Emergency. In 1953, the Community and Rural Broadcasting department was renamed Rural Broadcasting, merging with the programming division of Radio Malaya.
From 1950 onwards, Radio Malaya’s air time grew together with its content, which became more diverse. Traditional tales narrated in dialect by Lee Dai Soh (1913–1989), Ong Toh (1920–1999), and Ng Chia Kheng (1912–2003) were particularly popular. The prevalence of radio in the 1950s also led to the publication of the radio magazine Nanyang Radio Weekly.
Political movements were common in Singapore and Malaya between 1956 and 1958, and changes in the political landscape naturally affected broadcasting operations. In 1957, the Federation of Malaya became independent and Radio Malaya was split into two, with the Singapore headquarters remaining under the control of the colonial government. When Singapore attained self-governance in 1959, Radio Singapura was established as the official broadcasting institution under the management of the Singapore government.
However, following the merger of Singapore and Malaya in 1963, Radio Singapura and Radio Malaya merged once again to form Radio and Television Malaysia/Singapura. In February of the same year, Singapore’s then-Minister for Culture S. Rajaratnam (1915–2006) inaugurated Television Singapura. When Singapore separated from Malaysia and gained independence in August 1965, Radio Singapura and Television Singapura were combined into Radio Television Singapore (RTS) and placed under the management of the Ministry of Culture.
On 1 February 1980, RTS was converted into a statutory board known as the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), ushering in a new era of commercialised broadcasting. During this period, the record industry flourished, and many popular local and international singers promoted their records on radio shows. Long Hu Bang, a Chinese weekly music show featuring the top ten hits, was also launched in 1983.
The 1990s saw the blossoming of a wide range of Chinese radio stations, each with its own distinct character. These included: YES 933, NTUC Radio Heart 100.3 FM, CAPITAL 958, LOVE 972, and Dongli 88.3FM (now known as 88.3JIA). Radio Singapore International (RSI) was also established in 1994 to broadcast the sounds of Singapore to the rest of Southeast Asia.
On 1 October 1994, SBC became fully privatised, and all its broadcasting channels were brought under Radio Corporation of Singapore Pte Ltd (RCS), a subsidiary of Singapore International Media (SIM). In June 1999, the company underwent further restructuring. RCS was renamed Mediacorp Radio and Media Corporation of Singapore (MCS, Mediacorp) took charge of operating all radio and television stations.
In 2001, Singapore Press Holdings (SPH) ventured into radio broadcasting, through SPH UnionWorks, a joint management between SPH and NTUC Media. NTUC Radio Heart was rebranded as UFM100.3 in the same year. In 2013, SPH acquired NTUC Media’s stake in SPH UnionWorks. In 2018, SPH launched another Chinese radio station 96.3 Hao FM.
Looking back at the history of radio broadcasting in Singapore, it is evident that its development has been closely tied to societal shifts and the evolving needs of listeners. The challenges posed by the internet, podcasts, and other new media platforms in the 21st century will undoubtedly require radio stations in Singapore to adapt their approach in order to continue informing and entertaining their listeners.
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Besides organisations based on geography, kinship, and trade ties, there were also Chinese associations that emerged under special circumstances in Singapore. Examples include the Straits Chinese British Association (SCBA), United Chinese Library (UCL), Syonan-to Overseas Chinese Association (OCA) during the Japanese Occupation of Singapore (1942–1945), and the Nanyang Chinese Exchange and Remittance Association. In addition, prominent Chinese business clubs, such as Ee Hoe Hean Club, Chui Huay Lim Club, and Goh Loo Club, served as gathering places for social elites and wealthy entrepreneurs.
Founded in 1895 and composed predominantly of Hokkien members, Ee Hoe Hean Club is one of the few century-old clubs in Singapore. Similarly noteworthy is Chui Huay Lim Club, which was established in 1845 and consists primarily of Teochew members. In 1925, Ee Hoe Hean Club relocated to its current address at 43 Bukit Pasoh Road. Guided by the spirit of “non-partisanship, caring for the people, and caring for the nation”, Ee Hoe Hean Club served as a venue for leaders of the Chinese community to ponder over and discuss important issues. It also served as the headquarters of the South-East Asia Federation of the China Relief Fund during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Beyond its social functions, Ee Hoe Hean Club contributed to supporting the Chinese revolution, assisting in the War of Resistance against Japan, advocating for citizenship rights, and promoting the establishment of Nanyang University.
Chui Huay Lim Club is not only an important place for social gatherings and banquets for local Teochew businessmen, but also an activity centre and cultural landmark. Since its inception, the club has remained at its Keng Lee Road address.
Goh Loo Club was initially situated at 124 Cross Street (colloquially known as Kling Street). It was originally named Goh Kee Club and served as a leisure and entertainment venue for Chinese elites. It was renamed Goh Loo Club in 1907 and moved to its current address, 72 Club Street, in 1927. After the 1937 Marco Polo Bridge Incident, in which Chinese and Japanese soldiers exchanged fire near the Marco Polo Bridge outside what is now known as Beijing, Goh Loo Club raised funds to aid Chinese refugees, playing a crucial role in social welfare activities. During the Japanese Occupation, the club was forced to become the office premise of the Syonan-to Overseas Chinese Association.
The Syonan-to Overseas Chinese Association was established in March 1942 under the direction of the Japanese military government, after the fall of Singapore. Its aim was to mediate between the authorities and the local Chinese community. In the early days, the association raised 50 million Straits dollars in donations for the Japanese government. Later on, it helped the Japanese troops to implement policies, restore social order, increase food production, and carry out large-scale rural resettlement. Singapore historian Chua Ser Koon pointed out in A General History of the Chinese in Singapore that the association served as a puppet organisation that worked tirelessly for the Japanese military government, carrying out duties assigned by the “Empire of Japan”.
The Straits Chinese British Association (SCBA) was founded on 17 August 1900 with the protection and support of the British colonial government. Its purpose was to cultivate pro-British sentiments among local Chinese. The SCBA also focused on welfare issues affecting the Straits Chinese, safeguarding the legal rights of overseas Chinese and elevating the political status of Peranakan Chinese.
On 6 February 1919, the centenary of Singapore’s founding, representatives from the SCBA and the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, among other Chinese community organisations, attended the unveiling ceremony of the relocated statue of Sir Stamford Raffles and offered their congratulations to the Governor. In 1964, the association was renamed the Singapore Chinese Peranakan Association.
Initiated by Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen, the United Chinese Library (UCL) was established in 1911 on Armenian Street. Its aim was to promote Sun’s Three Principles of the People (nationalism, democracy, and socialism) and to enlighten overseas Chinese. The society collected and displayed publications for the Chinese community, promoting cultural development. It established schools to promote the Chinese language, advocating cultural reforms. The UCL modified marriage customs and conducted civil ceremonies as well as group weddings.
In the immediate post-World War II years when Singapore did not have a government in place, the UCL actively contributed to maintaining law and order. Like Ee Hoe Hean Club, the United Chinese Library was an important political and educational force in the new Chinese society. In 1985, the society was relocated from 51 Armenian Street to its current address at 53 Cantonment Road to make way for urban redevelopment.
After the Pacific War, communication and trade between China and Nanyang resumed, leading to a surge in remittances and letters from overseas Chinese back to China. To meet the needs then, Hokkien businessman Lim Soo Gan (1928–1993) and his peers founded the Nanyang Chinese Exchange and Remittance Association in March 1946. The association delivered remittances from overseas Chinese to their relatives in China while bringing back news from those relatives.
Such remittance agencies operated based on the demands of a migrant society. When this social foundation was shaken in 1949, these remittance businesses vanished and became a part of Singapore’s history.
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Early Chinese immigrants to Singapore consisted of two main groups: the Peranakans and the sinkehs. The Peranakans were descended from Chinese settlers who had arrived in Singapore before the 19th century and married local Malay women. Over the generations, they blended Chinese, Malay, and British colonial traditions, forging a unique cultural identity. The Peranakans did not have a music genre of their own. Rather, their music was inspired by many sources, including Western pop, jazz, Hawaiian melodies, and Latin music such as cha-cha-chá and mambo. Peranakan musicians created an eclectic blend of Nanyang (Southeast Asian) and Western musical styles. The medley of cultural influence is seen in the use of the Malay serunai (a type of wind instrument) to adopt popular Hokkien tunes during weddings, funerals and other events. The Peranakan community especially enjoys music influenced by Western and Malay popular music. This can be seen in the prevalence of performances featuring small musical ensembles playing dondang sayang and kroncong — Malay love ballads and folk songs respectively. From violins to guitars and ukuleles, Peranakan musicians harmoniously integrate these Western instruments with the rhythms of the Malay rebana (frame drum) and knobbed gong.
In addition to standalone musical performances, the dondang sayang accompanies performances of pantun (a Malay poetic form), bangsawan (an operatic form popular in the Malay peninsula), and wayang peranakan (Peranakan musical theatre). The Peranakans founded numerous amateur musical societies during the British colonial era. These groups provided a good source of entertainment at family gatherings, and also performed publicly for commercial gigs and festive celebrations.1
Meanwhile, the sinkehs (“newcomer” in Hokkien) were Chinese immigrants who relocated to Singapore from various regions of China between the 19th and early 20th centuries. Originating from a range of dialect groups, they included the Hokkiens (from Fujian), Cantonese (from Guangdong), Hainanese (from Hainan), Teochews (from Chaozhou), and Hakkas. They brought their native musical instruments and traditions to Singapore.
The musical and artistic pursuits of the Chinese immigrants flourished particularly during Chinese festivities. These included deities’ birthdays, auspicious celebrations, and even funerals. Over time, the sinkehs established various clan associations or huiguan, which not only acted as hubs for social and emotional connection but also played pivotal roles in fostering the development of Chinese music in Singapore. Chinatown was initially the heart of this musical development. From there, it spread to nearby areas such as Dapo (South Bridge Road) and Xiaopo (North Bridge Road). The establishment of three major amusement parks in Singapore — New World, Great World, and Gay World (formerly Happy World) — marked a milestone in the history of Singapore’s Chinese music scene.2 These attractions drew numerous acclaimed musicians and actors from China to perform in the Nanyang region. Their high-calibre performances encouraged many local musical groups to professionalise.
Importantly, local musical groups were instrumental during pivotal moments in Singapore’s history. They supported fundraising for China’s revolutionary causes, contributed to the anti-Japanese resistance, and provided aid to refugees. The years of the Japanese Occupation (1942–1945) saw Singapore’s musical organisations struggle for survival. Subsequently, the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 made it challenging for China’s musical groups to perform overseas. Under such circumstances, the traditional musical groups in Singapore began to localise and evolve into amateur groups.3
Singapore’s Chinese music falls broadly into two categories: dialect-based music genres and pan-Chinese music genres. A detailed subdivision of these genres is shown in the following table:
Pan-Chinese music genres
Independent Singapore was built on the bedrock of multiculturalism. This ethos, combined with the integration of the Chinese community with other ethnic groups, significantly enriched the Singaporean Chinese music scene. With the establishment of the National Theatre in 1963 and the Kreta Ayer People’s Theatre in 1969, musicians of various Chinese dialect groups and musical genres found prominent stages to showcase their talents.
As participation in music and the arts became a social trend, local audiences ardently supported performances by both domestic musical groups and visiting overseas artistes. Concurrently, the Singaporean government ramped up its endorsement of the arts as part of its nation-building initiative, and positioned Chinese music as a symbol of ethnic culture.4
However, the 1979 nationwide Speak Mandarin Campaign shifted the landscape and sidelined dialects from the national education policy. This led to a decline in the popularity of dialect- or locality-based musical groups between 1980 and 2010. During this lull period, support for traditional, dialect-based music and culture largely hinged on grassroots initiatives. There has been a marked policy shift in recent years: the Singaporean government has been actively reviving traditional Chinese culture. It has championed academic seminars and supported the establishment of the Singapore Chinese Cultural Centre, heralding a new era in the evolution of traditional Chinese culture in Singapore. The trajectory of Chinese music in Singapore epitomises the synthesis of grassroots passion and governmental support, ensuring the enduring legacy of Chinese musical traditions for future generations.
Shielded from the impact of China’s Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), Singapore’s Chinese music culture largely preserved its originality. Notably, the confluence of diverse ethnicities and cultures over time has deeply enriched and infused a distinct local flavour into the Chinese music scene. The accumulation of a century of cultural interaction and experimentation has crafted today’s distinctive Singapore Chinese music soundscape. This allows Singapore’s Chinese music to showcase its unique local character while also reflecting a rich mosaic of influences. The melodies of immigrant Chinese, Peranakan, and contemporary Chinese musicians interweave to form a vibrant tapestry of Singaporean Chinese music.
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Founded in 1968, the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra was the predecessor of the Singapore Chinese Orchestra (SCO). It was only in 1992 that it adopted its current name. In 1996, with support and funding from the government, the SCO underwent restructuring to become a national-level professional orchestra, based in the Singapore Conference Hall.
Chinese orchestra activities were already thriving before the founding of the nation, laying the foundation for the establishment of the professional Chinese orchestra. In the mid-1950s, Chinese schools, trade unions, and amateur enthusiasts organised numerous Chinese orchestras. Some influential ones included the Ai Tong/Chongfu Schools Alumni Chinese Orchestra, Kangle Musical Study Society, Singapore Chinese Middle School Student Union and Singapore Chinese High Schools’ Graduates of 1953 Arts Association, as well as Hwa Chong Alumni Chinese Orchestra. The first Chinese orchestra in Singapore with a complete lineup was organised by the Thau Yong Amateur Musical Association in 1959.
In 1968, some musicians from the Central Cultural Committee Chinese Orchestra1 joined the newly established Chinese orchestra under the National Theatre Company. The People’s Association Chinese Orchestra, founded in the same year, was initially a performance unit under the People’s Association Cultural Troupe. After the National Theatre Chinese Orchestra disbanded in 1974, the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra took on the responsibility of promoting and popularising Chinese orchestral music. During this period, it also absorbed some members from the National Theatre Chinese Orchestra. Apart from People’s Association Chinese Orchestra, other active Chinese orchestra groups in the 1970s include Singapore Youth Chinese Orchestra under the Ministry of Education and Singapore Broadcasting Corporation Chinese Orchestra (now City Chinese Orchestra).
The People’s Association Chinese Orchestra was led by various conductors, including Ma Wen (1937–2011), Ng Tai Kong (1943–2001), Li Xueling (1939–1989), Lim Tiap Guan (1939–1998), and Ku Lap Man (1935–2020), among others. By 1984, it had 32 members. After Ku Lap Man’s retirement, the orchestra, after having been renamed the SCO, subsequently hired Qu Chunquan in 1993. During his tenure, Qu actively encouraged Chinese orchestral composers to create their own works, and frequently chose to perform local compositions by Singaporean musicians within the Chinese orchestra repertoire.
In 1996, at the suggestion of then-Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, the SCO was established as the Singapore Chinese Orchestra Limited, expanding its roster from its original 32 members to 62. This made it the largest professional Chinese orchestra at the national level outside of China.
The following year, Chinese conductor Hu Bing Xu assumed the role of Music Director and Conductor. Under his leadership, the orchestra continued to attract outstanding musicians, contributing to its distinguished international reputation. By 2023, it had a total of 86 full-time musicians, including seasoned musicians from Singapore and abroad, as well as outstanding musical talents cultivated by various arts institutions worldwide.
In 2002, the SCO appointed musician Yeh Tsung, who was born in China and later resided in the United States, as its next Music Director. He relinquished the position in 2023 and assumed the role of Conductor Emeritus. Following Yeh, Quek Ling Kiong took on the role of Principal Conductor, becoming the first local-born Principal Conductor of the SCO. Quek led the SCO in acclaimed and well-received shows such as the Young Children’s Concert, Young People’s Concert, Mother’s Day Concert, Concert-in-Progress, and series of “Concert Seasons”.
The SCO has always embraced the philosophy of being “the people’s orchestra”, with the goal of using music to strengthen social cohesion. In its early days, its repertoire mainly consisted of classical masterpieces by composers from China, which gradually established the foundation of the orchestra. Today, its music events and cultural performances have evolved to appeal to both refined and popular tastes.
As the nation developed, the SCO began actively exploring its own identity. After 2002, under the leadership of Yeh, it embraced the Nanyang-style Chinese orchestra as its distinctive brand, contributing to Singapore’s unique and diverse multicultural landscape.
The SCO has organised multiple international Chinese orchestral composition competitions to encourage creative works and discover outstanding Nanyang-style compositions. Among them, some notable compositions include Wang Chenwei’s Sister Islands and Confluence; and Law Wai Lun’s Prince Sang Nila Utama and Singa and The First Man on the Sea, Zheng He.
Since its establishment, the SCO has also been invited to perform in various locations across Europe and Asia. In 1998, the orchestra embarked on its first tour in China, performing in Beijing, Shanghai, and Xiamen. Since then, it has been regularly invited to major international arts festivals and music events in China, presenting distinctive Chinese orchestra performances. In 2023, the SCO was invited to the China Shanghai International Arts Festival and presented the Nanyang Legends concert at the Shanghai Conservatory of Music’s Shangyin Opera House. The concert featured several representative works, including Legend of the Merlion, The Sword and the Scroll, Sea Road, and a special composition titled A La Shanghai Ren.
As for Europe, the SCO became the first Chinese orchestra to be invited to perform at the opening ceremony of the Edinburgh Festival in the United Kingdom in 2009. It has also embarked on two European tours in 2005 and 2019 respectively, allowing audiences in Germany, the Czech Republic, Italy, Greece, and more to appreciate its music, one that simultaneously embodies Nanyang characteristics and blends Eastern and Western styles.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, when physical concerts were suspended, the SCO pioneered online concert formats by launching a digital concert series. It included programmes like #DabaoSCO (Packaged Concerts), #CO101 (Chinese Orchestra 101), #roomformusic (Music for Homes), #HumanDiaries (Musicians’ Reflections), and the Virtuoso Series, which featured renowned musicians and masterpieces. Its members were encouraged to spontaneously share their works, fostering interaction between music enthusiasts and musicians. For instance, Composer-in-Residence Wang Chenwei’s composition, Confluence, was presented in the format of a virtual Chinese orchestra with dozens of musicians collaborating remotely, heralding a new mode of Chinese orchestral performance.
The journey from the People’s Association Chinese Orchestra to the SCO has spanned decades. As it expands its reach beyond Singapore to the global music scene, the SCO continues to explore its identity and establish a unique musical style.